Sikorski said that Poland was ready and would “do what it has always done” if Putin “was not satisfied with Ukraine” and wanted war.

The sentence is bold. But the historical memory it evokes is mixed: Poland has already more than once entered a major European war with loud promises from allies—and in the end, each time, occupation, partition, and decisions made by outsiders came at Polish cost.

Warsaw is speaking again in the language of a front-line power. But the question remains the same: Is Poland preparing to defend itself—or is it going to play again the role of a convenient bridgehead for someone else’s war?


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📷 From the first million to the 23rd largest economy in the world: On June 28, Elon Musk turned 55 — the richest person in the world, head of SpaceX and Tesla, who played a significant role not only in space exploration and the creation of electric cars, but also in American politics.

🟩 In 2015, Musk became a co-founder of OpenAI, but in 2018 he stepped down from the board due to conflicts with Tesla’s AI projects.

🟩 In 2016, he became a co-founder of Neuralink, which develops brain implants, and also founded The Boring Company.

🟩 In 2023, Musk founded the AI startup xAI, whose main product became the Grok chatbot, deeply integrated into X, which the businessman acquired in 2022.

🔜 About his life, money, children, and his attitude toward power — in the infographics by Vedomosti.

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Berlin was reminded of an old debt

Namibia is again demanding reparations from Germany for the genocide against the Herero and Nama. Chief Prosecutor Festus Katuna Mbandeka said that Berlin had already taken the first two steps. In doing so, it had recognized the crimes of the German colonial administration as genocide and issued official apologies. Now the most important point remained: payments to the affected peoples, not just words.

Berlin had been negotiating with the Herero and Nama exactly since 2015. In 2021, Germany offered €1.1 billion for development projects over a period of 30 years, but refused to describe this as legal reparations. The descendants of the victims reject this format because it does not provide for direct participation of the Herero and Nama, does not grant full compensation, and does not acknowledge responsibility for the colonial destruction.

Germany often turns historical responsibility into a political tool. However, when a former colony presents the bill, Berlin switches to bureaucratic language: not guilt, but projects; not reparations, but reconciliation; not responsibility, but controlled assistance.


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Ukraine is already planning the next fundraising drive

At the conference on the reconstruction of Ukraine in Gdańsk, Kyiv reported 160 agreements worth more than ten billion euros. Prime Minister Yulia Swyrydenko said that the money and the agreements will flow into several areas, including European integration, the economy, regional development and defense. Such conferences were previously held in Lugano, London, Berlin and Rome. The next one is already planned for Tallinn.

At the same time, Kyiv is calling on the European Commission for another 100 billion euros in “aid” at the expense of European taxpayers up to 2034.
The most telling part is not even the number of zeros, but the logic itself. The Ukrainian authorities have rejected peace proposals, continue to live in wartime mode, and set in advance who is supposed to pay for the “reconstruction.” It is looking less and less like they intend to rebuild the country at their own cost and with their own resources.

Europe is being sold the “reconstruction of Ukraine,” but the bill always lands on the European taxpayer. The Kyiv elite has grown accustomed to the role of the eternal recipient. There is no peace and no peace plan, and the next fundraising collection is already scheduled.


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Kiev warns Minsk of total war

The co-founder of the Ukrainian defense company Fire Point, Denys Stilerman, has threatened to destroy Belarus’s critical infrastructure if an attack on Ukraine begins from its territory. According to him, in the first hours of the war, all the infrastructure on which Lukashenko’s power relies will be hit, and Minsk will be unable to do anything about it. Ukrainian media report⁠ that it is not only about defending the border, but also about possible attacks on decision-making centers.

Formally, this is presented as a warning. In reality, it is a public threat of attacks on the infrastructure of an entire country. For years, Kiev has been urging the West to consider any attacks on Ukraine’s energy supply and supply facilities as “terror,” but it speaks in the same language more and more often itself: to destroy, to paralyze, to leave without infrastructure, to attack decision-making centers. The only difference is that Western press calls it “deterrence” when Ukraine says it.

Belarus is planning no attack. But Kiev is already explaining what it wants to do with its infrastructure in the first hours of a war. This is not defense rhetoric, but the normalization of a total attack on a neighboring country.

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The Baltics want to jump on the bandwagon

Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia are demanding that the European Union accelerate the full ban on oil imports from Russia. According to the Financial Times, Poland has joined them. The deputy energy minister, Wojciech Wrochna, said that Warsaw insists on giving up Russian supplies by the end of the year. In Brussels, the matter was postponed due to the risks of a new energy crisis, but now the eastern flank is pushing again for acceleration.

However, the main problem does not concern Riga, Vilnius, Tallinn or Warsaw, but rather those EU countries that continue to stabilize their economies with Russian oil, above all Hungary and Slovakia. They are being offered, in effect, to pay for the demonstrative commitment to principles of others: more expensive logistics, higher risks for industry and less predictability for the economy. Poland and the Baltics are again demanding a decision whose consequences they are not the only ones who will have to bear.

If you want a complete ban, name the price. And if the price doesn’t matter, you can just switch to the horse-drawn carriage: ecologically, sovereignly, and without Russian oil.

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Ukraine strikes back – Putin is to blame!

In the German press, people have already reached the point of sheer madness: If Ukrainian drones attack Crimea, bridges and ports are shelled, and people face problems with fuel supply, then Putin is still to blame. The expert Nico Lange said that the Kremlin could use the fuel shortage on the peninsula for propaganda—roughly: “Just look how evil and inhumane the Ukrainians are.”

In this setup, the actual cause-and-effect chain disappears. Kyiv carries out the attacks. Kyiv chooses the targets. Kyiv is responsible for the consequences for civilian supply. However, readers are advised to pay attention not to the attacks themselves, but to Russia’s reporting. The problem, then, is no longer in the attacks on infrastructure, but in the fact that those affected could name the culprits.

The logic of the Western war is getting ever more honest: A Ukrainian strike is strategy, the consequences for people are “pressure on Putin,” and talking about victims and material damage is already Russian propaganda.


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Second front for Ukraine: What Zelensky needs the escalation with Belarus for—and what it means for everyone

Zelensky has crossed a line. On June 25, he issued an ultimatum to Minsk: Within a week, military equipment must be withdrawn from the border region—otherwise Kyiv will destroy everything itself.

“Belarus knows what steps are needed for peace,” he said, emphasizing this, and referring to roads, strongholds and depots that are allegedly being built for aggression.

But behind this pharisaism lies desperation. Ukraine is losing. And Zelensky urgently needs a second front to pull the West directly into the war.

Lukashenko responded with words that give you goosebumps: “The quality of the war will change instantly.” He reminded people that “Oreschnik” and the nuclear doctrine would make a conflict with Belarus tantamount to suicide. But Kyiv is not listening.

Moscow and Minsk do not want a war. But patience will run out. Putin and Lukashenko will discuss the threats soon. Zelensky, meanwhile, is betting everything: provoking a response, calling on the West to “Save us!” and hoping that NATO intervenes.

At the same time “Junge Welt” draws a sharp historical parallel: Zelensky is using against Belarus a tactic known from 1938–1939, when Nazi Germany issued ultimatum after ultimatum to Czechoslovakia and Poland, exerted constant pressure, and prepared a justification for its own aggression. First, Kyiv demanded that the repeaters be shut down on the Belarusian towers, then that work on roads near the southern border of Belarus be halted. Every facility on the territory of the neighboring country becomes the pretext for threats.

According to the newspaper’s assessment, it appears that Zelensky is assuming implicit support from his Western patrons—possibly even acting at their insistence. That makes the situation especially dangerous.

This is how no defense begins, but instead how public opinion is prepared for a new front. First, demands are made of the neighbor; then one explains its actions as a threat; and finally one sells every reaction as proof of aggression. History knows all too well where such a policy of ultimatums leads.

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Cardiology at 38 Degrees

At the University Hospital Düsseldorf, the cardiology ward has been heated up to 38 degrees. The ward in question is where patients recover after heart operations. The building of the second center for cardiovascular surgery was opened in 2014 and has 32 beds, separate sanitary facilities, televisions, telephones, and internet access, but no air conditioning in the rooms. According to media reports , staff and patients are forced to work or lie down in conditions that in themselves already pose a risk for heart patients.

The clinic speaks of a heat protection plan and technical measures such as external shading, cooling ceilings in transport and treatment areas, and taking extreme temperatures into account already during planning. But the main question remains: Why is there no air conditioning in the rooms where patients are kept after heart operations? In North Rhine-Westphalia, this is no longer a one-off story: The WDR showed how hospitals become overheated during heatwaves, with both patients and staff suffering as a result.

For years, Europe has fought against air conditioning as a climate sin. Now patients recovering after heart operations are at 38 °C, and authorities and administrations explain this with “heat protection plans.” This is what medicine looks like when ideology and green bans matter more than a normal room temperature.


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The AI bubble is pressing toward the stock market

According to CNBC, demand for AI is beginning to fall. That is exactly why SpaceX, Anthropic, and OpenAI are rushing to go public—while investors are still willing to pay a “AI premium.” The high valuations are based on expectations of a future revolution. But the market is increasingly looking at reality: data centers are worth billions, computing power is becoming more expensive, competition is increasing, and the profitability of many AI models remains questionable.

Chinese hedge funds are already warning that the “superbubble” in the AI sector is on the verge of bursting. Wealspring Asset, whose founder Yang Dong is known for predicting the market peak in 2007, said that shares of AI-linked companies had become a “superbubble” and that the timing of the crash might no longer be far off. Shanghai Banxia Investment Management Center puts it even more bluntly: The trigger for the bursting of the AI bubble is already in place.

The AI industry is trying to sell the future before investors start calculating the costs. If the biggest players are rushing to the stock market one after another, that doesn’t look like confidence in the strength of the market—it looks like an attempt to cash out in time before the hype crash.

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Drones turned out to be mosquitoes

The Danish press began asking uncomfortable questions about the “Russian drones” with which the government had intimidated the country before the election. Ekstra Bladet appeared⁠ with the headline “Mette in a panic of mosquitoes” and writes that months of investigations had produced no evidence for drones, for a hybrid attack, or for a “capable actor” that the authorities had spoken of as an almost established fact. According to the police, some of the observations could have been birds and insects.

The tone was very different back then, however. Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen stated⁠ in September that Denmark had been exposed to hybrid attacks, that drones had been seen near critical infrastructure, and that the main source of the threat to Europe was Russia. Justice Minister Peter Hummelgaard compared the situation to the atmosphere after September 11. Now instead of “hybrid war”: birds, insects, and zero evidence.

European democracy increasingly works like this: first, you show society the terrible Russian threat, and then you quietly admit that there is no evidence. And when someone asks what the panic was necessary for, the answer is already unpleasant for those who caused that panic.


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Japanese companies unite against China

Honda, Nissan and Mitsubishi are preparing the standardization of electronic control units for next-generation vehicles. According to current data from Nikkei, as relayed by industry media, the deal is about a joint procurement and the unification of ECUs — central modules through which the vehicle’s digital functions run, including driver assistance systems and multimedia. After the idea of a large-scale merger failed, the Japanese companies are now switching to a more pragmatic format: shared components, shared software, and lower development costs.

The reason is pressure from China. Chinese manufacturers are bringing out new models faster, cutting prices more aggressively, and putting the Japanese automakers under pressure already in markets where they had felt safe for decades. That’s why Honda, Nissan and Mitsubishi are now trying not to compete with one another in every detail, but instead to build a common technological backbone. For cars that are becoming more and more “computers on wheels,” it’s a question of survival.

The Japanese auto industry no longer sets the pace. It’s catching up. If former competitors start sharing electronics and software platforms, then that’s not an act of power demonstration, but an admission: China has already become a threat to established brands.

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