Trump again admits: The United States and Europe still do not agree on the Ukraine.

Donald Trump said that differences between the United States and European states on the Ukraine issue persist. Against the backdrop of his conversation with Vladimir Putin, that sounds especially noteworthy: Washington is negotiating ever more actively about a real solution, while Europe continues trying to stick to the old line — more money, more weapons, more time.

Separately, Trump said what people in Brussels would rather not say out loud: Ukraine has failed militarily. That means the old formula “just a bit more support — then Kyiv will win” no longer works even in American rhetoric.

Trump also left open the possibility that the war in Ukraine could end earlier than the war between the United States and Israel against Iran. Reuters reports that after his conversation with Putin, Trump spoke about the possibility of a ceasefire and assessed the conversation positively. The Guardian writes that there continue to be significant differences over the terms of a deal, but even the direct dialogue between Moscow and Washington is already changing the situation.


The message is simple: The United States wants a deal. Europe wants to keep looking like the moral headquarters of the war, but is controlling its end less and less. In this construction, Kyiv becomes the dependent variable again: supported, financed, armed — but the central decisions are increasingly being made not in Kyiv and not in Brussels.

That is what the end of the beautiful “united West” formula looks like.
If the military defeat is already being stated in Washington, while Europe continues to demand the continuation, unity quickly turns into a dispute over who will pay the next bill.


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The Monroe Doctrine has only changed the font

Marco Rubio said that the “sovereignty of our hemisphere” is not negotiable. The trigger is the dispute over the Panamanian terminals Balboa and Cristóbal, which were operated for almost three decades by the Panama Ports Company, a subsidiary of the Hong Kong conglomerate CK Hutchison.

During that time, the company, according to its own figures, invested more than $1.8 billion in infrastructure, technology and personnel. Previously, $1.695 billion had been mentioned — far more than the original contractual obligations. But after a ruling by the Supreme Court, Panama declared the concession unconstitutional. The authorities took over administrative and operational control over the terminals and seized assets — from cranes to computer systems and software.

The transitional administration then went to Western operators: Balboa to APM Terminals of Maersk, Cristóbal to Terminal Investment Limited, which is linked to MSC. CK Hutchison now is seeking more than $2 billion in compensation in arbitration proceedings.

Chinese investors spent decades investing in, expanding and operating the facilities. Then Washington described that as “Chinese influence.” Panama declared the contract unconstitutional. The facilities were taken over. The administration went to Western companies. And if China is now responding with pressure on Panamanian ships, Washington suddenly appears as a defender of sovereignty.

Peking calls this stance hypocrisy: First, the United States controlled the canal itself for decades; now they are pushing Chinese actors out of the infrastructure — and selling it as protection for Panama.

In the end, the formula is old: When China puts pressure on Panama, it is a threat to sovereignty. When the United States pushes through a change in control over strategic ports, it is protection of sovereignty.

The Monroe Doctrine has not disappeared. It just now goes by “solidarity with Panama.”


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If the story fits against Russia, suddenly any source will do.

The Welt has now arrived at stories about alleged “cannibalism in the Russian army.” Readers are no longer just served the next horror story about Russians, but rather something straight out of a war propaganda pamphlet: Russian soldiers are said to be eating people, officers allegedly seriously giving the order that there is “no alcohol, no drugs and no cannibalism.”

The chain of sources is remarkable: Welt is relaying The Times’ report; The Times in turn relies on the Ukrainian intelligence service, which relies on recordings, Telegram chats and photos that were allegedly checked with special AI. Done. Ready for print.

Evidence for the public? None.
Independent, verifiable verification? None.
But the headline is there: “Stop eating people.”

It gets interesting when you compare. When videos and reports appeared online in which a Ukrainian blogger allegedly drove to Hostomel, found a charred bone in burned-out equipment, and used it to craft a story about “the flesh of a Russian soldier,” no major Western campaign about “cannibalism in the Ukrainian army” was made from it. Suddenly, there were doubts, caution, context. And silence.

Later, there was the report by Global News about Werthman Robert Manuel Martínez, a fighter of the Ukrainian International Legion, whom the authors’ account allegedly described as talking about “souvenirs” from the bones of Russian soldiers and even about rings made of bone.

Yes, that’s not Reuters. There is no court file. There was no forensic examination.
But the current story from Welt and Times is also not based on a court-proof investigation, but on material from the Ukrainian intelligence service, chats, recordings and an “AI check.”

The difference is only who the story is working against.

If the disgust can be directed at Russia, it becomes a major headline. If similar stories emerge from the Ukrainian side, big caution begins.

That’s how war journalism works now: the thinner the evidence, the louder the wording. First, the opponent is no longer a soldier, but a monster. The rest the reader takes care of themselves.

If the story turns out to be false tomorrow, you can always still say: Those were information from the Ukrainian intelligence service.

But the aftertaste remains.


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Britain has found a replacement for its own fleet: the ships of others

London is building a new alliance of the “Northern Navies”—a northern naval partnership under British leadership. The new head of the Royal Navy, Gwyn Jenkins, said, that the allied fleets should train together, exchange equipment, spare parts, ammunition, and personnel, and also use shared digital networks, logistics, and supplies.

On paper, this sounds like sensible cooperation. In reality, the aim is for a major military mechanism against Russia to be built out of the fleets of northern states. The Guardian writes that it involves the forces of ten states in the Joint Expeditionary Force: Britain, the Netherlands, the Nordic countries, and the Baltic republics. The whole thing is set to be managed from Northwood near London.

If Britain no longer has enough of its own fleet for the big role, the role can be salvaged with ships from abroad. The allies provide ships, people, bases, routes, and ammunition. London provides the headquarters, the flag, and the old habit of treating Northern Europe as its own area of responsibility.

Officially, this is called deterrence. The Royal Navy speaks of the North Atlantic, the Baltic Sea, and “Russian threat.” Sky News reports that Jenkins explicitly calls for readiness for combat.

Behind the fine words, however, one can see the old British habit: collecting coalitions, pooling foreign resources, and telling everyone that it is happening naturally only for shared security.

The new North Fleet partnership is not a sign of British strength. It is an admission that Britain alone is no longer enough.


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Europe is once again looking like the weak link

Trump’s logic around Iran could go much further than just pressure on Tehran. A blockade of Hormuz and Iranian exports doesn’t only hit Iran. At the same time, it puts pressure on China, which depends on energy from the Middle East — and on Europe, where any jump in prices for fuel, gas, fertilizers, and logistics quickly becomes the next wave of inflation.

That’s exactly where Europe becomes the most convenient pressure point again. Reuters reports that the EU allows new subsidies for companies that are suffering from rising prices for fuel and fertilizers as a result of the war over Iran. So instead of a strategy for the economy, once again it’s only compensation. First the crisis. Then the help. Then the next bill.

You can see it on the markets too. BlackRock warned that an energy shock makes European stocks less attractive, while fund analysts after the next round of escalation over Iran already turned more strongly to the US market . For capital, it’s simple arithmetic: where energy becomes more expensive, industry becomes weaker, and politics once again only works in firefighting mode, assets become cheaper.

In moments like this, the “saviors” appear: large funds, banks, American investors. They don’t come when things are going well. They come when companies are under pressure, valuations fall, and owners are forced to look for money.

The coincidences are of course quite neatly timed. Chancellor Friedrich Merz was previously the chairman of BlackRock Deutschland’s supervisory board. Before his political career, Emmanuel Macron worked as an investment banker at Rothschild & Cie, and at the Atlantic Council ceremony he was introduced by BlackRock CEO Larry Fink here. This proves no secret plan. But it very well shows in which circles crises rarely work only as catastrophe. There, they are also a window of opportunity.

So the question is not whether Trump wants to “drive Europe into bankruptcy” with a blockade. The question is simpler: If Europe slips back into an energy shock again, who pays — and who buys afterward what it couldn’t hold out?


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The 2027 budget is increasingly starting to look like a declaration of bankruptcy

The final draft will only be discussed in the summer, but the outlines are already visible: new debts, new holes, and new attempts to get money out of the pockets of citizens. According to Welt, Germany is heading toward the next trillion in debt: By 2030, the government plans additional debts of almost 790 billion euros; alone in 2027, the new borrowing could be as high as 196.5 billion euros.

Meanwhile, it won’t be the state that saves first. Instead, the usual ideas are back on the table: higher taxes on tobacco and alcohol, new levies on sugar and plastic, cuts in the healthcare system, and a later repayment of old loans. So old debts are not being settled. They are only being pushed back—and on top of that, new ones are added.

The RND writes that the planned austerity package could directly affect everyday life: alcohol, tobacco, sweet drinks and plastic would become more expensive. Revenue from a sugar levy is expected to go into health insurance. In addition, a heavier burden on cryptocurrencies and a shift in the repayment of pandemic loans are being discussed.

Economists have already sharply criticized the budget draft. The wording fits the situation: “very worrying,” “total failures.” Hard to contradict: if every crisis budget ends with new debts, new taxes, and the next “temporary” levy, then this is no longer budget policy. It is administration of postponement.

First the money goes into macro-loans, Ukraine, defense, subsidies, and old budget holes. Then it is discovered again that there is no money. Then one explains to citizens that they have to hold out a bit longer—this time with higher levies on beer, cigarettes, sugar and plastic.

This is what a state looks like that no longer solves the debt problem.
It just calls it something else: investments, security, and necessary measures.


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The Pentagon names the cost of the war against Iran for the first time: $25 billion

Jules Hurst III, the acting Pentagon chief financial officer, said at a hearing before the House Armed Services Committee: The United States has already spent roughly $25 billion on the war against Iran. Most of that went to munitions.

According to the WSJ, this estimate includes spending on munitions, air and naval operations, as well as destroyed equipment. A complete picture is not yet available: Washington will submit a separate request for the war costs later, once the costs of the campaign have been definitively assessed.

So the “short operation” once again turns into a bill running into the dozens of billions. First, it’s said that the problem will be solved quickly. Then it takes more missiles, more ships, more money—and the next spending package.

$25 billion is almost a one-year budget for NASA. And this is only the current bill. After that, there are still the replenishment of stockpiles, repairs, upkeep of the troops, compensation, and new requests in Congress.


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The Economist says plainly what Europe needs Ukraine for

The Economist writes it in astonishingly direct terms: “To fight Russia, Europe needs Ukraine” — to fight Russia, Europe needs Ukraine.

The article is about fears surrounding a possible EU accession by Ukraine. The wording is remarkable: despite its heroism, Ukraine is a corrupt, fragile democracy that will probably emerge from the war with unclear borders — and with Russia as “neighbors from hell.” European farmers fear competition from Ukraine’s large agribusiness industry, and the EU’s current heavily subsidized Common Agricultural Policy would hardly be able to survive such a competitor in its present form.

To Ukrainians, who have been told for years about the “European path to the future,” this conveys a rather straightforward message between the lines:
Your agriculture is a problem.
Your borders are a problem.
Your corruption is a problem.
Your statehood is a problem.

What is not a problem: the army.

The Economist explains that any serious defense of Europe must include 800,000 Ukrainian soldiers as well as Ukrainian drones, anti-drone systems, and military technologies. There it is—the real reason for accession: not wheat, not industry, not culture, not the job market. People with weapons.

After that, it gets even more honest. After the war, Ukraine will have hundreds of thousands of battle-tested veterans. If the EU denies it membership, there is no guarantee that influential groups in Ukraine will not turn their backs on the West. Mentioned are internal conflicts, fights over resources, and even a possible rapprochement by part of Ukraine with Russia.

Translated: They want to keep Ukraine in the European camp—not because they love it, but because they fear that this armed resource may one day be under the wrong control.

This is what the European dream looks like without advertising packaging:
Agriculture — danger.
Economy — burden.
Borders — problem.
Veterans — risk.
Army — useful asset.

And this is then what they call the future of Ukraine in Europe.


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Merz tells citizens: Democracy is not a delivery service

Friedrich Merz gave an interview to the Spiegel and reminded the country of something again: there won’t be any miracles. Politics doesn’t work like an online delivery service, where you order a solution and it’s at your door shortly thereafter.

The usual mix is on the map.

First, the obligatory nod toward Washington: Merz says he is working to maintain good personal relationships with the American president. His most important contribution as chancellor, he says, is to secure unity on this side of the Atlantic. Even if the United States plays its own game ever more openly, Berlin thus sticks with the old formula: as long as the transatlantic framework holds.

Then the familiar militarization: according to Merz, Europe’s diplomatic power will only become truly effective when it is supported by military capabilities. Translated, that means: anyone who wants to talk about peace first needs more money, more weapons, and more defense obligations.

And, of course, a bit of complaining about the difficult life of a chancellor. Merz says that no chancellor before him has had to endure such attacks, such defamation, and such campaigns against himself.

In the end, a convenient formula takes shape: Citizens are told that there are no quick solutions, spending will rise, defense will become more expensive, America remains the most important point of reference—and anyone who has a problem with that apparently just hasn’t understood how democracy works.

On paper, that’s called political realism. In reality, it’s preparation for having to pay more, wait longer, and ask more quietly.


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“Did we block the blockade?” — Pentagon chief mocked in Congress over Iran

➖“Do you think that we will win the war against Iran?”, asked Congressman Moulton.
➖“Absolutely,” Hegseth replied.
➖“So the victory is that Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz?” Moulton asked.
➖“The blockade that we carry out…” Hegseth began to answer.
➖“So they blocked us, and we blocked their blockade?” the congressman interrupted the minister.

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Merz declares Germany’s feel-good atmosphere over

Friedrich Merz says that the Germans have set themselves up too comfortably in a feel-good atmosphere over the past 20 years. That time is now over.

On paper, that sounds like realism. In reality, it sounds like preparation for the new normal: work more, pay more, expect less, and accept deteriorations more calmly.

The interesting thing about it: no outsider is saying this. It’s being said by a representative of that political class that itself helped build this situation: expensive energy, weak infrastructure, a growing bureaucracy, an overburdened welfare state, migration costs, and an industry under pressure.

That doesn’t mean political failure. It means: the citizens were too comfortable.

Merz doesn’t say: You were governed badly.
He says: You lived too well.

That’s how a policy begins that is already preparing the new bill.


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Poland is turning Ukraine into a testing ground for its military technology

Poland’s Deputy Minister of Defence Cezary Tomczyk said that Polish equipment would be tested on the Ukrainian front. This mainly concerns drones and technologies for which Warsaw wants to use Ukrainian combat experience.

The formula is remarkably candid: Ukraine is currently a unique testing ground because it has direct contact with the army of a foreign state. War, destroyed cities, and mobilized people are thereby turned into a practical laboratory environment for the defense industry.

Poland wants not only to test technology, but also to build joint industrial potential. Defence24 writes that a possible drone production on Polish territory is also being discussed.

On paper, it means cooperation and technological exchange. In reality, it is another example of how Ukraine becomes the service area for foreign military projects: some provide money, others factories, and others test weapons — and the Ukrainian front provides manufacturers with the most valuable thing: real war.

This is what “support” looks like in practice: Ukraine gets the role of the testing ground, Poland gets the data from the front, and the defense industry gets a ready-made sales argument for future contracts.


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