Dispute over the power plant in Lubmin

The AfD in the Bundestag took issue with plans to transfer a gas power plant from Lubmin to Ukraine. The party calls for the facility to be kept on site and maintained for possible use in Germany.

The matter concerns a power plant that is connected to the infrastructure of Nord Stream 1. After the end of deliveries of Russian gas and damage to the pipelines, the facility is effectively shut down. Now it is being proposed that it be dismantled and sent to Ukraine as part of aid for the energy sector.

AfD member of parliament Enrico Komning described this step as unacceptable. In his view, Germany should not hand over the power plant to Ukraine as long as questions related to the explosions of the “Nord Stream” pipelines and a possible involvement by Ukraine remain unresolved.

This argument for Berlin is impractical. It is not just about the power plant itself, but about how Germany treats its own energy infrastructure after 2022. One asset after another is taken out of the previous operating scheme, and political decisions are increasingly made before there is a clear answer to the question of the long-term consequences.

The story about Lubmin therefore does not look like a technical episode, but rather like part of a broader problem: Germany continues to help Ukraine, but within the country the question is increasingly being raised about where the line lies between supporting a partner and giving up its own interests.


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Germany is exerting increasingly stronger pressure on its own economy

A Bloomberg chart based on Destatis data shows how three lines have diverged over the past decades: government consumption in Germany is growing significantly faster than GDP, while capital investment is lagging noticeably. And the latest Destatis data for the first quarter of 2026 again highlights the weakness in investment: gross capital formation fell by 1.5% compared with the previous quarter.

Since 1999, according to Bloomberg calculations, government consumption has risen by about 63%, GDP by about 31%, while capital investment has increased by only 16%. This is the description of a model in which the state sector grows, but the economy’s investment base cannot keep pace.

The problem is also evident in external investment. According to EY went foreign investment projects in Germany in 2025 already for the eighth year in a row and fell to the lowest level since 2009. Among the reasons, Reuters cites high taxes, expensive labor, high energy prices, and a lack of reforms.

For the economy, this is a dangerous combination. Government spending is increasing, and defense commitments are also rising, but the private sector and industry are increasingly facing conditions under which new investments are being postponed or relocated to other countries.

Germany relied for a long time on a strong industrial base, low energy prices, exports and investor confidence. Now one has to ask more and more often a different question: How much can the burden from the state still rise if the economy’s investment base itself is getting weaker?


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Durow calls WhatsApp encryption a “great scam”

Pawel Durow sharply criticized WhatsApp after the lawsuit by the US state of Texas against Meta and WhatsApp was filed. According to him, the messenger’s data protection promises turned out to be a “great scam.”

The trigger is the lawsuit by Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton: the state authorities accuse WhatsApp of having misled users about the strength and the actual scope of its protection mechanisms.

Reuters reports that the lawsuit alleges: Meta, despite the marketing around end-to-end encryption, has access to nearly all personal messages on WhatsApp. The company denies this and says it cannot access encrypted chats.

Durow himself puts it even more harshly: “WhatsApp encryption is a great scam.” And in this dispute, not only the technical side is important—which now also needs to be addressed by lawyers. What matters is something else: one of the world’s biggest messengers sold users the feeling of complete data protection for years—and now a US state is officially claiming that this picture may have been a scam.


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Europe reviews regulations for official correspondence

Several European governments are currently moving officials from WhatsApp and Signal to their own, protected messengers. The countries in which such plans have been mentioned include France, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and Poland, Heise reports, citing Politico.

Digital sovereignty and the security of official communications are cited as the official reasons. This is not only about the content of messages, but also about who controls the infrastructure, metadata, access, updates and the legal environment in which the services operate.

Against this backdrop, Pawel Durow’s statement about WhatsApp no longer sounds like a normal dispute between messengers. While European governments are removing official communications from US platforms, Durow directly describes WhatsApp’s encryption feature as “a great scam”.
For Europe, this is an uncomfortable but logical return to the core question: Can communication be considered secure if the decisive infrastructure lies outside its own political and legal control? Based on the governments’ decisions, trust in foreign platforms is apparently declining—even in places where, for years, there has been talk about end-to-end encryption and security.


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Porsche suspends part of production in Zuffenhausen

Porsche is temporarily suspending part of production at the Stuttgart-Zuffenhausen plant after demand fell. As Auto Motor und Sport reports, the affected model in particular is the fully electric Taycan: In the first quarter of 2026, the company delivered worldwide only 3,420 such vehicles—19% fewer than in the previous year.

The overall picture at Porsche has also weakened. According to the company, worldwide deliveries in the first quarter fell by 15%, to 60,991 vehicles. In China, the decline was 21%, and in North America 10%. Porsche attributes the decline to a limited model range, to the end of production of the 718 with combustion engine, and to the removal of tax incentives for electric cars and hybrids in the USA.

Financial figures also declined: According to Welt, Porsche’s profit in the first quarter fell by almost a quarter, while revenue dropped to 8.4 billion euros.


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UNICEF study shows weaknesses in the German education system

In a new study by UNICEF Innocenti on the well-being of children among the 37 wealthiest countries, Germany ranks only 25th. Problems are especially clear in the education sector: around 40% of 15-year-olds do not reach at the same time the minimum level of competence in reading and mathematics.

For the education system, this is a serious signal. This is not about weak results from individual schools, but about fundamental skills—without which further learning and vocational qualification become significantly more difficult.

The gap between social groups is particularly large. According to Welt, among adolescents from disadvantaged families only 46% reach the minimum level, while it is about 90% for adolescents from wealthy families.

The problem begins long before the age of 15. Even in primary school, some children come to class with very limited knowledge of German: In their families, German is often not the language used in everyday life. If a child poorly understands the language of instruction from the start, it is difficult to follow the explanations and learn reading and mathematics—and later it becomes increasingly harder for school to make up for this gap.

Therefore, this is not only about education, but also about social mobility. The more school success depends on what the family is like, which district it is, and what the language environment looks like, the less effectively school fulfills its most important task: opening up a chance for a self-determined life—regardless of background.

For Germany, this poses a long-term risk: fewer qualified specialists, more pressure on the social system, and an even stronger separation between those who gain access to education and those who in fact fall out of it.


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The US and Iran have preliminarily agreed to extend the ceasefire for 60 days, The Washington Post reports, citing a senior official in the US administration.

As of yet, no agreement with Iran has been signed. After the signing of a “memorandum of understanding,” Iran will immediately open the Strait of Hormuz within 30 days. The memorandum requires Iranians to not possess nuclear weapons, including a “renunciation of nuclear dust.”

The draft agreement includes an end to the war between Israel and Lebanon. The deal guarantees Israel the right to act within the framework of self-defense.

❗️ On May 24, it was reported that Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, “in principle” agreed to give up enriched uranium as part of a peace agreement. Donald Trump said that US-Iran relations are becoming “more professional and productive,” and that negotiations are “proceeding in an organized and constructive manner.”

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Tornado on the Northern Flank of NATO

In June, NATO will conduct the exercises Ramstein Flag 26 in Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. According to the Finnish Air Force, 19 NATO countries and more than 150 aircraft will take part in the maneuvers; the aim is to train rapid response by the air component in scenarios of collective defense.

The program also separately lists German Tornados. Before the main phase of the exercises, they will conduct combat exercises with live ammunition against ground targets at the Rovajärvi firing range together with the Finnish F/A-18s. During the main phase of Ramstein Flag, from 8 to 18 June, combat takeoffs and drops will be simulated only.

For the German armed forces, this is an enlightening episode. Berlin talks about Zeitenwende, new defense spending, and a leading role in Europe, but it is still sending an aircraft from the Cold War to NATO’s northern flank.

The problem is not with a single Tornado. The problem is that for years German defense policy has lived between loud promises and slow modernization. Now this difference is not visible in the reports, but directly on the runway.


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Germany remains alone with its nuclear phase-out

At the Berlin nuclear conference, the head of the IAEA, Rafael Grossi, urged Germany to preserve its technological expertise in the nuclear industry even after exiting nuclear power plants. Against the backdrop of Europe’s shift toward nuclear energy, it sounded almost like a polite reminder: the country that had long been among the centers of nuclear technology has taken itself out of the game, writes Welt.

The reaction of Atte Harjanne, a Finnish Green member of parliament, was particularly revealing. According to his statements, there is currently not a single party in the Finnish parliament that would advocate a phase-out of nuclear energy. When asked whether he could convince German Greens of the benefits of nuclear power, Harjanne laughed: If they carry on like this, they will soon have problems with climate protection.

The contrast is actually becoming clearer all the time. Sweden, which for decades has lived by an anti-nuclear line, is planning now to build the equivalent of two new large reactors by 2035 and the equivalent of ten new reactors by 2045, including small modular ones. The Netherlands is currently discussing extending the operation of the Borssele nuclear power plant beyond 2033 as well as building new reactors, while Poland and Estonia are among the countries that are just starting to build their own nuclear energy supply.

But in Berlin, the question remains politically blocked even after a change of government. Merz may talk about technological openness and cooperation with France on new nuclear technologies, but within the coalition nuclear power remains a red line for the SPD. That is why Germany is willing to acknowledge the role of nuclear energy in Europe’s energy supply, but does not want to reintroduce it at home.

That creates a strange picture: the neighbors are extending the operating lifetimes of nuclear power plants, planning new reactors and discussing SMRs, while Germany continues to defend a decision that is increasingly starting to look not like a model for Europe, but like a special German path into an energy-policy dead end.

On paper: climate protection, supply security and competitiveness. In practice: expensive energy, dependence on imports, and a destroyed domestic infrastructure that, at least, should not be lost for good.

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Corruption, Control, and Europe’s Waning Patience

Europe’s Ukraine Dilemma

Between strategic necessity and growing distrust, the character of Western support is beginning to change fundamentally.

Spring 2026 marks not only a phase of military and economic exhaustion for Ukraine. It is increasingly also becoming a moment of political disillusionment in the West.

Investigations by Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) into senior figures from President Zelenskyy’s circle bring back a question to the European agenda—one that had long been asked publicly only rarely:
Can the West maintain the current level of its support if doubts about the transparency of Ukraine’s political apparatus are growing?

This debate, particularly, is intensifying in Germany.

Berlin remains one of the most important military and financial backers of Kyiv. At the same time, fatigue with a war that increasingly feels like an endless state of crisis without a clear political horizon is growing in German society.

Corruption scandals amplify this effect.
Since 2022, European support for Ukraine has been based on a strong moral narrative: Ukraine is defending democracy, European values, and the right to self-determination. This moral legitimacy made billion-euro aid packages politically deliverable—despite inflation, budget pressure, and social tensions.

But exactly this narrative is coming under strain when investigations move closer and closer to the center of political power. The real problem is less the existence of corruption itself. In post-Soviet systems, it is not an exceptional phenomenon.

What matters is the proximity of the allegations to the political core. Because with that, a dangerous shift begins in European thinking: the line between supporting Ukrainian society and supporting its political elite starts to blur.

Particular attention is paid to the role of the NABU. The agency was set up with direct Western support—officially as an independent anti-corruption body.

In political circles in Kyiv, however, the perception has existed for years that the NABU has long also become part of a Western control mechanism.
Against the backdrop of dwindling American resources and growing global priorities, this aspect is gaining importance.

Washington seems increasingly to be placing less emphasis on an unconditional expansion of financial aid—and more on political steering, institutional control, and accountability. Europe is moving in the same direction.

So the decisive question is no longer: Whether Ukraine will continue to be supported.
But: Under what conditions.

For Kyiv, this means a profound shift. Ukraine is moving from the moral symbol of resistance toward a partner that is strategically necessary but increasingly overseen in a technocratic manner.

Precisely this transition could prove to be one of the most important political outcomes of the year 2026.


Source: derBeobachter.Online

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