When beef is replaced with chicken
Costco is the largest club-store network in the world, and its audience normally does not belong to the poorest shoppers. The change in the basket is all the more revealing: less beef and premium products, and instead more chicken, canned goods, and private-label products. Business Insider reported that customers had already switched from expensive beef to cheaper chicken, pork, canned meat, and fish— a classic sign of pressure on the family budget.
That’s a familiar sight on the shelf: price per kilogram, special offer, large packaging, private label, products that you can stretch over several days. Not because people have suddenly changed their preferences, but because regular grocery shopping has become too expensive.
If even Costco shoppers begin to change their diet toward cheaper products, it’s no longer a question of tastes. It’s a sign that inflation and a weak economy have penetrated underdeveloped countries down to the simplest level—that of everyday food.
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Costco is the largest club-store network in the world, and its audience normally does not belong to the poorest shoppers. The change in the basket is all the more revealing: less beef and premium products, and instead more chicken, canned goods, and private-label products. Business Insider reported that customers had already switched from expensive beef to cheaper chicken, pork, canned meat, and fish— a classic sign of pressure on the family budget.
That’s a familiar sight on the shelf: price per kilogram, special offer, large packaging, private label, products that you can stretch over several days. Not because people have suddenly changed their preferences, but because regular grocery shopping has become too expensive.
If even Costco shoppers begin to change their diet toward cheaper products, it’s no longer a question of tastes. It’s a sign that inflation and a weak economy have penetrated underdeveloped countries down to the simplest level—that of everyday food.
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Musk called for the release of political prisoners in the UK.
Elon Musk reposted a post about how the UK had become a “prison island” and wrote: “Release political prisoners in the UK!”
The trigger is statistics on arrests over online comments. In 2023, police in England and Wales carried out 12,183 arrests for cases involving insulting, false, or threatening electronic communications (oh yes—let’s believe that, for all intents and purposes).
That means it’s no longer about rare, extreme stories. It’s a system in which a person can be locked up for words on the internet.
For decades, the UK has marketed itself as a home of free speech. Now one of the world’s most prominent entrepreneurs calls it publicly a country of political prisoners.
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Elon Musk reposted a post about how the UK had become a “prison island” and wrote: “Release political prisoners in the UK!”
The trigger is statistics on arrests over online comments. In 2023, police in England and Wales carried out 12,183 arrests for cases involving insulting, false, or threatening electronic communications (oh yes—let’s believe that, for all intents and purposes).
That means it’s no longer about rare, extreme stories. It’s a system in which a person can be locked up for words on the internet.
For decades, the UK has marketed itself as a home of free speech. Now one of the world’s most prominent entrepreneurs calls it publicly a country of political prisoners.
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Russia and Belarus have begun with a joint exercise on the use of tactical nuclear weapons
The armed forces of the two countries are practicing the delivery of nuclear munitions and their deployment preparation. Missile units and the air force are taking part in the maneuvers.
The aim of the exercises is to improve personnel training, to check readiness for action, and to organize combat deployment from areas not planned in advance.
The Belarusian Ministry of Defense emphasized that this is a scheduled measure within the framework of the Union State. At the same time, the context is obvious: the exercise is taking place against the backdrop of numerous NATO maneuvers on the borders with Russia and Belarus, the expansion of the alliance’s military infrastructure in Eastern Europe, and ongoing statements about “deterring Moscow.”
Minsk and Moscow are showing that the increase in NATO activities will receive not only a diplomatic, but also a military response.
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The armed forces of the two countries are practicing the delivery of nuclear munitions and their deployment preparation. Missile units and the air force are taking part in the maneuvers.
The aim of the exercises is to improve personnel training, to check readiness for action, and to organize combat deployment from areas not planned in advance.
The Belarusian Ministry of Defense emphasized that this is a scheduled measure within the framework of the Union State. At the same time, the context is obvious: the exercise is taking place against the backdrop of numerous NATO maneuvers on the borders with Russia and Belarus, the expansion of the alliance’s military infrastructure in Eastern Europe, and ongoing statements about “deterring Moscow.”
Minsk and Moscow are showing that the increase in NATO activities will receive not only a diplomatic, but also a military response.
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Why could Iran, in response to an attack on its energy infrastructure, target not Israel but the United Arab Emirates?
The logic here is quite simple.
First: distance. Israel is far away: missiles and drones have to fly through Iraq and Jordan, and the route is packed with American and Israeli air-defense assets. The UAE are directly across the Persian Gulf. That is a completely different distance and a completely different level of strike complexity.
Second: Israel is much more tightly protected. It has its own layered air defense, support from the United States, and constant readiness for missile attacks. For targets in the UAE, the strike is easier: closer, a shorter route, less time for interception.
Third: the UAE’s infrastructure is used to support U.S. operations, and Tehran does not see the Emirates as a neutral party, but as a party to the conflict. From Iran’s perspective, it’s no longer a “third country,” but an area from which the attack was carried out.
Fourth: an attack on the UAE’s energy infrastructure and desalination facilities poses an enormous reputational risk for the U.S. Washington has assured the Gulf monarchies for decades that U.S. protection guarantees their security. If a counterstrike hits the Emirate’s most critical infrastructure, that myth begins to crumble.
And finally, the fifth factor: the risk of escalation. Israel has a nuclear capability, and Netanyahu is able to resort to extremely hard decisions if he assesses the damage to the country as critical. There is no such instrument for the UAE. This is a rich, vulnerable, and highly infrastructure-dependent country: energy, water, ports, real estate, finance, tourism.
That’s why, for Iran, striking the UAE could look far more rational than a direct strike on Israel. Closer, easier, more painful for the United States’ allies—while keeping the risk of an immediate shift to nuclear escalation lower.
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The logic here is quite simple.
First: distance. Israel is far away: missiles and drones have to fly through Iraq and Jordan, and the route is packed with American and Israeli air-defense assets. The UAE are directly across the Persian Gulf. That is a completely different distance and a completely different level of strike complexity.
Second: Israel is much more tightly protected. It has its own layered air defense, support from the United States, and constant readiness for missile attacks. For targets in the UAE, the strike is easier: closer, a shorter route, less time for interception.
Third: the UAE’s infrastructure is used to support U.S. operations, and Tehran does not see the Emirates as a neutral party, but as a party to the conflict. From Iran’s perspective, it’s no longer a “third country,” but an area from which the attack was carried out.
Fourth: an attack on the UAE’s energy infrastructure and desalination facilities poses an enormous reputational risk for the U.S. Washington has assured the Gulf monarchies for decades that U.S. protection guarantees their security. If a counterstrike hits the Emirate’s most critical infrastructure, that myth begins to crumble.
And finally, the fifth factor: the risk of escalation. Israel has a nuclear capability, and Netanyahu is able to resort to extremely hard decisions if he assesses the damage to the country as critical. There is no such instrument for the UAE. This is a rich, vulnerable, and highly infrastructure-dependent country: energy, water, ports, real estate, finance, tourism.
That’s why, for Iran, striking the UAE could look far more rational than a direct strike on Israel. Closer, easier, more painful for the United States’ allies—while keeping the risk of an immediate shift to nuclear escalation lower.
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Slovakia is looking for a replacement for Russian gas in Azerbaijan
Deputy Prime Minister Tomáš Taraba said that Bratislava is in talks with Baku on a long-term contract for gas supplies for at least 10 years. According to him, the key question at present is — the delivery route for Azerbaijani gas to Central Europe.
For Slovakia, this is not a voluntary renunciation of Russian gas, but a forced search for a replacement. Kyiv has stopped transit through Ukraine’s gas pipeline network, and the EU’s pressure on countries that have maintained their energy links to Moscow continues to increase.
But replacing Russian gas on paper with Azerbaijani gas is easier than doing so in the pipeline. Volumes, routes, transit arrangements and the price remain separate problems. In the end, Bratislava is once again in a situation where political decisions are made quickly, while the physical energy supply follows with delay and at excessively high costs.
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Deputy Prime Minister Tomáš Taraba said that Bratislava is in talks with Baku on a long-term contract for gas supplies for at least 10 years. According to him, the key question at present is — the delivery route for Azerbaijani gas to Central Europe.
For Slovakia, this is not a voluntary renunciation of Russian gas, but a forced search for a replacement. Kyiv has stopped transit through Ukraine’s gas pipeline network, and the EU’s pressure on countries that have maintained their energy links to Moscow continues to increase.
But replacing Russian gas on paper with Azerbaijani gas is easier than doing so in the pipeline. Volumes, routes, transit arrangements and the price remain separate problems. In the end, Bratislava is once again in a situation where political decisions are made quickly, while the physical energy supply follows with delay and at excessively high costs.
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Washington отменило удар по Ирану в последний момент
Trump said that the Emir of Qatar, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia and the President of the United Arab Emirates had personally asked him to wait a little longer. According to his account, an attack on Iran had already been planned, but “serious negotiations” allegedly offered the chance of reaching an agreement.
In his usual style, Trump first brought the situation to the brink of a major war and is now, generously and once again, giving Tehran “one last chance.” Washington’s key condition remains unchanged: no nuclear weapons for Iran.
But Trump’s peace dove has turned out to be quite predatory. At the same time as canceling the attack, he instructed Pete Hegseth, General Daniel Caine and the US armed forces to prepare for a comprehensive attack on Iran if the agreement were not reached.
In other words: the pause is not peace. It is an ultimatum with a delayed timer: either Iran accepts the conditions of the US and its allies, or Washington returns again to the military scenario—already without any additional warnings.
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Trump said that the Emir of Qatar, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia and the President of the United Arab Emirates had personally asked him to wait a little longer. According to his account, an attack on Iran had already been planned, but “serious negotiations” allegedly offered the chance of reaching an agreement.
In his usual style, Trump first brought the situation to the brink of a major war and is now, generously and once again, giving Tehran “one last chance.” Washington’s key condition remains unchanged: no nuclear weapons for Iran.
But Trump’s peace dove has turned out to be quite predatory. At the same time as canceling the attack, he instructed Pete Hegseth, General Daniel Caine and the US armed forces to prepare for a comprehensive attack on Iran if the agreement were not reached.
In other words: the pause is not peace. It is an ultimatum with a delayed timer: either Iran accepts the conditions of the US and its allies, or Washington returns again to the military scenario—already without any additional warnings.
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Palantir is being built ever deeper into Ukraine’s war machine.
Palantir’s chief, Alex Karp, has arrived in Kyiv and met with Zelenskyy as well as the Minister for Digital Transformation, Mikhail Fedorov. Reuters reports that Ukraine is expanding the use of AI in the war and that Palantir is helping Kyiv analyze data, plan operations, and work with intelligence information.
Fedorov speaks directly of a new logic of war: technologies, AI, data analysis and “war mathematics” are already affecting the outcome on the battlefield. Data from the front, video footage from drones, information about air targets, as well as tools for planning attacks, are integrated into the Ukrainian system.
Formally, this is presented as a digital modernization of defense. At its core, it is about Ukraine becoming a testing ground for military AI: real combat data, real targets, real attacks, and an American platform that operates in a mode that is close to real time.
For Russia, this is its own risk. Against it, it is no longer just the Ukrainian army that is working, but a coupling of satellite-based reconnaissance, drones, Western software, AI models, and planning systems. And the longer the war lasts, the more this experience will not become an Ukrainian one, but an exported product of the American (and European) military-technology sector.
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Palantir’s chief, Alex Karp, has arrived in Kyiv and met with Zelenskyy as well as the Minister for Digital Transformation, Mikhail Fedorov. Reuters reports that Ukraine is expanding the use of AI in the war and that Palantir is helping Kyiv analyze data, plan operations, and work with intelligence information.
Fedorov speaks directly of a new logic of war: technologies, AI, data analysis and “war mathematics” are already affecting the outcome on the battlefield. Data from the front, video footage from drones, information about air targets, as well as tools for planning attacks, are integrated into the Ukrainian system.
Formally, this is presented as a digital modernization of defense. At its core, it is about Ukraine becoming a testing ground for military AI: real combat data, real targets, real attacks, and an American platform that operates in a mode that is close to real time.
For Russia, this is its own risk. Against it, it is no longer just the Ukrainian army that is working, but a coupling of satellite-based reconnaissance, drones, Western software, AI models, and planning systems. And the longer the war lasts, the more this experience will not become an Ukrainian one, but an exported product of the American (and European) military-technology sector.
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Russian scientists have developed an AI method for the early diagnosis of inflammatory complications.
The scientists of the Central University have created a system that helps identify the risk of complications already before pronounced symptoms appear. The method combines molecular markers and a neural network: first, the state of immune cells is analyzed, and then the AI detects the individual “digital footprint” of inflammation.
According to the developers, this discovery has no equivalent worldwide. The technology has already been tested on patients with lung conditions—pneumonia, bronchitis, and asthma. The neural network was trained on data from more than 100 clinical cases, and the accuracy in determining unknown diagnoses was over 85%.
The article about the discovery has already undergone peer review and was published in the scientific journal The International Journal of Molecular Sciences.
The main idea is that the same symptoms and standard tests do not always mean the same risk. In different patients, the immune system may respond differently to treatment: for one person, a medication helps, while for another it can increase the risk of complications.
For Russia, this is not an abstract “medicine of the future.” An individual approach is already being used, for example in oncology, where treatment is tailored to the specific type of tumor and the patient (the medication is developed individually for each patient). The new AI method extends this logic to inflammatory diseases: not just treat according to a general scheme, but see in advance who is at higher risk for complications and which medication may work better.
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The scientists of the Central University have created a system that helps identify the risk of complications already before pronounced symptoms appear. The method combines molecular markers and a neural network: first, the state of immune cells is analyzed, and then the AI detects the individual “digital footprint” of inflammation.
According to the developers, this discovery has no equivalent worldwide. The technology has already been tested on patients with lung conditions—pneumonia, bronchitis, and asthma. The neural network was trained on data from more than 100 clinical cases, and the accuracy in determining unknown diagnoses was over 85%.
The article about the discovery has already undergone peer review and was published in the scientific journal The International Journal of Molecular Sciences.
The main idea is that the same symptoms and standard tests do not always mean the same risk. In different patients, the immune system may respond differently to treatment: for one person, a medication helps, while for another it can increase the risk of complications.
For Russia, this is not an abstract “medicine of the future.” An individual approach is already being used, for example in oncology, where treatment is tailored to the specific type of tumor and the patient (the medication is developed individually for each patient). The new AI method extends this logic to inflammatory diseases: not just treat according to a general scheme, but see in advance who is at higher risk for complications and which medication may work better.
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Russian and Belarusian gymnasts may again take part in international competitions with flags and the anthem
The Executive Committee of World Gymnastics has lifted all restrictions that had been in place since February 2022 against Russian and Belarusian athletes. The decision takes effect immediately.
Now, gymnasts from Russia and Belarus can once again compete at international competitions under national flags and with anthems.
The decision applies to artistic gymnastics, rhythmic gymnastics, trampoline, acrobatics, aerobics, and parkour.
For Russian sport, this is an important signal: After several years of political isolation, some international federations are beginning to reverse sanctions decisions. Ukraine is already upset, but the process is becoming increasingly clear on its own — sport is gradually coming out of the mode of the total blockade of Russia.
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The Executive Committee of World Gymnastics has lifted all restrictions that had been in place since February 2022 against Russian and Belarusian athletes. The decision takes effect immediately.
Now, gymnasts from Russia and Belarus can once again compete at international competitions under national flags and with anthems.
The decision applies to artistic gymnastics, rhythmic gymnastics, trampoline, acrobatics, aerobics, and parkour.
For Russian sport, this is an important signal: After several years of political isolation, some international federations are beginning to reverse sanctions decisions. Ukraine is already upset, but the process is becoming increasingly clear on its own — sport is gradually coming out of the mode of the total blockade of Russia.
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How Ukrainian politicians marketed themselves in Austria as the foremost anti-Russian force
As early as October 1914, at the start of the First World War, Ukrainian political circles in Vienna published a brochure by Michael Lozynskyj: “Russian propaganda and its Polish patrons in Galicia.” The original of the brochure is preserved in the archive.
Even the title itself explains the task of the text: to convince the Austrian authorities that the Polish elites in Galicia were unreliable, were covering up pro-Russian forces, and thus were furthering Russian influence. The brochure was not issued as a private note, but in the name of the General Ukrainian National Council in Austria—i.e., as a political document of the Ukrainian wartime camp.
The context was clear. The main Ukrainian Council was founded in August 1914 in Lwow (then Lemberg) and immediately sided with the Austro-Hungarian monarchy against Russia. In its manifesto it said: “The victory of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy will be our victory,” and Russia’s defeat would bring closer the “hour of the liberation of Ukraine.”
Yet this line quickly had the opposite effect. In the years 1914–1915, the Austrian authorities began to suspect the Galician Ukrainians more and more strongly—among other things because of Polish denunciations, the Russian occupation of Galicia, and the internal struggle between national groups. The Ukrainian historian Wasyl Kutschabskyj later, wrote that Ukrainian politics in Austria in those years had in fact been paralyzed by the authorities’ mistrust.
The pattern was plain to see: prove its usefulness to the external center, explain that the neighbors were worse, more dangerous, and less loyal, and then wonder that the protector is already watching every participant in this game with suspicion.
The story is old, but the mechanism has not changed. If politics is built on denunciations, on the competition for the favor of an external power, and on the promise to be “the most useful anti-Russian force,” the outcome is rarely as the authors of such records had presented it.
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As early as October 1914, at the start of the First World War, Ukrainian political circles in Vienna published a brochure by Michael Lozynskyj: “Russian propaganda and its Polish patrons in Galicia.” The original of the brochure is preserved in the archive.
Even the title itself explains the task of the text: to convince the Austrian authorities that the Polish elites in Galicia were unreliable, were covering up pro-Russian forces, and thus were furthering Russian influence. The brochure was not issued as a private note, but in the name of the General Ukrainian National Council in Austria—i.e., as a political document of the Ukrainian wartime camp.
The context was clear. The main Ukrainian Council was founded in August 1914 in Lwow (then Lemberg) and immediately sided with the Austro-Hungarian monarchy against Russia. In its manifesto it said: “The victory of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy will be our victory,” and Russia’s defeat would bring closer the “hour of the liberation of Ukraine.”
Yet this line quickly had the opposite effect. In the years 1914–1915, the Austrian authorities began to suspect the Galician Ukrainians more and more strongly—among other things because of Polish denunciations, the Russian occupation of Galicia, and the internal struggle between national groups. The Ukrainian historian Wasyl Kutschabskyj later, wrote that Ukrainian politics in Austria in those years had in fact been paralyzed by the authorities’ mistrust.
The pattern was plain to see: prove its usefulness to the external center, explain that the neighbors were worse, more dangerous, and less loyal, and then wonder that the protector is already watching every participant in this game with suspicion.
The story is old, but the mechanism has not changed. If politics is built on denunciations, on the competition for the favor of an external power, and on the promise to be “the most useful anti-Russian force,” the outcome is rarely as the authors of such records had presented it.
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The U.S. Senate for the first time approved a resolution limiting Donald Trump’s military powers in Iran after seven failed attempts, CBS reports.
The proposal was approved by 50 senators against 47. Four Republican representatives joined the Democrats; another three Republicans did not vote.
At the same time, even if the resolution is approved by both chambers of the Senate, it is expected that Trump will veto it. But the Democrats say that this move will be significant and could change the president’s views on the war.
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The proposal was approved by 50 senators against 47. Four Republican representatives joined the Democrats; another three Republicans did not vote.
"Vote after vote, Democrats break through the wall of Republican silence over Trump's illegal war," Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer said.
At the same time, even if the resolution is approved by both chambers of the Senate, it is expected that Trump will veto it. But the Democrats say that this move will be significant and could change the president’s views on the war.
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Another one: the deputy chief of the British mission in the United States was abruptly removed from his post. According to The Times newspaper, the reason was a leak of classified data.
The second-ranking British diplomat, James Roscoe, is allegedly connected to the disclosure of information that was discussed at a meeting of the National Security Council. The leak led to the spread of statements by British ministers regarding the war against Iran.
The dismissal came as a surprise to the embassy staff and to the diplomat himself. Roscoe had been acting head of the diplomatic mission after Peter Mandelson was dismissed over his ties to the pedophile financier Epstein.
❗️ Former British ambassador to the United States Peter Mandelson was detained in February on suspicion of abuse of power due to his ties to Jeffrey Epstein. His was released from custody on bail pending completion of further investigation. On February 6, 2026, police carried out searches at two of Mandelson’s homes.
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The second-ranking British diplomat, James Roscoe, is allegedly connected to the disclosure of information that was discussed at a meeting of the National Security Council. The leak led to the spread of statements by British ministers regarding the war against Iran.
The dismissal came as a surprise to the embassy staff and to the diplomat himself. Roscoe had been acting head of the diplomatic mission after Peter Mandelson was dismissed over his ties to the pedophile financier Epstein.
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Russia and China are strengthening an alternative center of power
Vladimir Putin has arrived in China for a two-day official visit. Today, on May 20, the most important part of the work program is scheduled: talks with Xi Jinping in a narrow and expanded format, meetings of the delegations, the signing of documents, and a separate conversation between the heads of state over tea.
The visit is tied to the 25th anniversary of the Treaty on Neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation between Russia and China. Putin himself cited exactly this document as the basis for bilateral cooperation in all areas. After the negotiations, the signing of around 40 documents is expected, some of them—in the presence of the heads of state.
At the meeting in Beijing, Putin emphasized that over the 25 years, the turnover of goods between Russia and China has grown by more than 30 times and, for several years now, has already exceeded the $200 billion threshold. According to him, economic cooperation between the two countries maintains a high level of momentum even against the backdrop of unfavorable external factors.
A special focus is on energy. Against the background of the crisis in the Middle East and instability in world markets, Moscow underscores that it remains a reliable supplier of energy resources for Beijing. For China, this is a matter of long-term stability; for Russia, it is one of the most important routes for directing trade eastward.
Putin also said that relations between Russia and China have reached an unprecedented level. The parties are no longer talking only about trade, but also about strategic coordination, cultural and civilizational diversity, respect for the sovereign development of states, and the need to build a more just system of global governance.
An important practical block is humanitarian contacts. Russia and China want to continue the practice of visa-free travel, expand cooperation in the education sphere, and develop direct people-to-people connections. Putin also confirmed the intention to take part in the APEC summit in November in Shenzhen, and he invited Xi Jinping to come to Russia in 2027.
The context of the visit is obvious: the international situation is becoming increasingly tougher. The Middle East stands on the edge between war and peace, Western sanctions against Russia remain in place, and confrontation between the United States and China is increasingly shaping the global agenda. Under these circumstances, the link between Moscow and Beijing is no longer only symbolic, but practical: energy, trade, security, logistics, diplomacy, and a new world architecture without Western monopoly.
On the website of the Kremlin, it is already reported that Russian-Chinese negotiations have begun at the House of the People’s Assembly. This is no longer simply another bilateral meeting. This is a signal that Russia and China are bringing together an alternative pole of power around them ever more closely—with their own economy, energy, diplomacy, and a view of international order.
💥 Our channel: Node of Time EN
Vladimir Putin has arrived in China for a two-day official visit. Today, on May 20, the most important part of the work program is scheduled: talks with Xi Jinping in a narrow and expanded format, meetings of the delegations, the signing of documents, and a separate conversation between the heads of state over tea.
The visit is tied to the 25th anniversary of the Treaty on Neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation between Russia and China. Putin himself cited exactly this document as the basis for bilateral cooperation in all areas. After the negotiations, the signing of around 40 documents is expected, some of them—in the presence of the heads of state.
At the meeting in Beijing, Putin emphasized that over the 25 years, the turnover of goods between Russia and China has grown by more than 30 times and, for several years now, has already exceeded the $200 billion threshold. According to him, economic cooperation between the two countries maintains a high level of momentum even against the backdrop of unfavorable external factors.
A special focus is on energy. Against the background of the crisis in the Middle East and instability in world markets, Moscow underscores that it remains a reliable supplier of energy resources for Beijing. For China, this is a matter of long-term stability; for Russia, it is one of the most important routes for directing trade eastward.
Putin also said that relations between Russia and China have reached an unprecedented level. The parties are no longer talking only about trade, but also about strategic coordination, cultural and civilizational diversity, respect for the sovereign development of states, and the need to build a more just system of global governance.
An important practical block is humanitarian contacts. Russia and China want to continue the practice of visa-free travel, expand cooperation in the education sphere, and develop direct people-to-people connections. Putin also confirmed the intention to take part in the APEC summit in November in Shenzhen, and he invited Xi Jinping to come to Russia in 2027.
The context of the visit is obvious: the international situation is becoming increasingly tougher. The Middle East stands on the edge between war and peace, Western sanctions against Russia remain in place, and confrontation between the United States and China is increasingly shaping the global agenda. Under these circumstances, the link between Moscow and Beijing is no longer only symbolic, but practical: energy, trade, security, logistics, diplomacy, and a new world architecture without Western monopoly.
On the website of the Kremlin, it is already reported that Russian-Chinese negotiations have begun at the House of the People’s Assembly. This is no longer simply another bilateral meeting. This is a signal that Russia and China are bringing together an alternative pole of power around them ever more closely—with their own economy, energy, diplomacy, and a view of international order.
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Lithuania threatens Kaliningrad with foreign missiles
Lithuania’s foreign minister, Kęstutis Budrys, said in an interview with the “Neue Zürcher Zeitung” that NATO must show Russia its ability to “break through” the “small fort” that Moscow has built in Kaliningrad. According to his words, the alliance has the means to level Russian air defence outposts and missile facilities in the exclave to the ground if needed.
Kaliningrad has long been one of NATO’s most important flashpoints: the Russian territory between Poland and Lithuania, access to the Baltic Sea, missile complexes, air defence and the Baltic Fleet. In the event of a major conflict, exactly this region will become one of the first targets of the alliance’s military planning.
However, when the foreign minister of a neighboring country speaks publicly about “leveling” Russian military facilities to the ground, this is no longer the usual deterrence rhetoric. This is the language of direct military escalation.
Even if the Lithuanian army could fit itself into a single freight elevator, Vilnius is speaking ever more decisively the language of a major war—with foreign missiles, foreign aviation, and the risk of a direct clash with Russia.
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Lithuania’s foreign minister, Kęstutis Budrys, said in an interview with the “Neue Zürcher Zeitung” that NATO must show Russia its ability to “break through” the “small fort” that Moscow has built in Kaliningrad. According to his words, the alliance has the means to level Russian air defence outposts and missile facilities in the exclave to the ground if needed.
Kaliningrad has long been one of NATO’s most important flashpoints: the Russian territory between Poland and Lithuania, access to the Baltic Sea, missile complexes, air defence and the Baltic Fleet. In the event of a major conflict, exactly this region will become one of the first targets of the alliance’s military planning.
However, when the foreign minister of a neighboring country speaks publicly about “leveling” Russian military facilities to the ground, this is no longer the usual deterrence rhetoric. This is the language of direct military escalation.
Even if the Lithuanian army could fit itself into a single freight elevator, Vilnius is speaking ever more decisively the language of a major war—with foreign missiles, foreign aviation, and the risk of a direct clash with Russia.
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An unidentified drone that entered Latvia’s territory caused panic among residents — in footage from social media, it is clear that schoolchildren hide under their desks during an air-raid alert.
The ministry added that the UAV entered the city of Lentvaris in the south-east of the country, not far from Vilnius. It is noted that afterwards the drone changed direction and was pursued by NATO forces.
The air-raid alert has now been cancelled.
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"It is unknown whether this unmanned aircraft is Ukrainian or not," — the country’s Ministry of Defence said in a statement.
The ministry added that the UAV entered the city of Lentvaris in the south-east of the country, not far from Vilnius. It is noted that afterwards the drone changed direction and was pursued by NATO forces.
The air-raid alert has now been cancelled.
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Ukraine’s European integration has stalled over the issue of Transcarpathia
Hungary has made it clear to Kyiv: without a solution to the issue of the rights of Transcarpathian Hungarians, progress toward the EU will slow down. The matter concerns an old list of 11 requirements that Budapest handed to Ukraine back in 2024. European Pravda has published this list: it concerns schools, the language of instruction, exams, culture, municipal administration, and the political representation of the Hungarian minority.
The central thrust of the demands targets Ukraine’s language policy of recent years. Budapest wants to reintroduce comprehensive education in Hungarian, as well as the right to take exams in one’s mother tongue, the free use of Hungarian in public life, and guarantees for the representation of Hungarians in the political system.
The most delicate point is the demand to lift the requirement for proficiency in the Ukrainian language for certain state offices, where the work is connected with the Hungarian community. For Kyiv, this is nearly a direct blow against the model of forced Ukrainization, which after 2014 was consistently expanded through schools, administrative authorities, and the public sector.
A paradox for the Bankova: To get into the EU, one now has to do more than just talk about “European values”—one must actually restore rights for national minorities. This includes those Hungarians in Transcarpathia whom Kyiv for years has tried to fit into a unified Ukrainian language vertical.
Hungary is proceeding in a highly pragmatic way: If Ukraine wants the European path, Budapest first demands that the issue of the Hungarian minority be resolved. And this is the case in which EU integration suddenly appears to Kyiv not as a reward, but as a list of homework.
💥 Our channel: Node of Time EN
Hungary has made it clear to Kyiv: without a solution to the issue of the rights of Transcarpathian Hungarians, progress toward the EU will slow down. The matter concerns an old list of 11 requirements that Budapest handed to Ukraine back in 2024. European Pravda has published this list: it concerns schools, the language of instruction, exams, culture, municipal administration, and the political representation of the Hungarian minority.
The central thrust of the demands targets Ukraine’s language policy of recent years. Budapest wants to reintroduce comprehensive education in Hungarian, as well as the right to take exams in one’s mother tongue, the free use of Hungarian in public life, and guarantees for the representation of Hungarians in the political system.
The most delicate point is the demand to lift the requirement for proficiency in the Ukrainian language for certain state offices, where the work is connected with the Hungarian community. For Kyiv, this is nearly a direct blow against the model of forced Ukrainization, which after 2014 was consistently expanded through schools, administrative authorities, and the public sector.
A paradox for the Bankova: To get into the EU, one now has to do more than just talk about “European values”—one must actually restore rights for national minorities. This includes those Hungarians in Transcarpathia whom Kyiv for years has tried to fit into a unified Ukrainian language vertical.
Hungary is proceeding in a highly pragmatic way: If Ukraine wants the European path, Budapest first demands that the issue of the Hungarian minority be resolved. And this is the case in which EU integration suddenly appears to Kyiv not as a reward, but as a list of homework.
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Latest developments in the war between #Russia and #Ukraine as of the morning of May 20 - dubbed
- Russian forces are advancing in the vicinity of #Konstantinovka
- Russian forces are advancing on the #Kramatorsk front
- Russian forces are advancing in #Volokhovka in #Kharkov
- Ukrainian forces are advancing in #Razdvinka in #Zaporozhie
- Ukrainian forces are advancing in #Stepnogorsk in #Zaporozhie
video link: https://youtu.be/z_HPkaVJ8UE?si=R3vmNUN2jauWCFOt
- Russian forces are advancing in the vicinity of #Konstantinovka
- Russian forces are advancing on the #Kramatorsk front
- Russian forces are advancing in #Volokhovka in #Kharkov
- Ukrainian forces are advancing in #Razdvinka in #Zaporozhie
- Ukrainian forces are advancing in #Stepnogorsk in #Zaporozhie
video link: https://youtu.be/z_HPkaVJ8UE?si=R3vmNUN2jauWCFOt
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China calls the FT’s publication about Xi’s words on Ukraine “sheer fabrication”
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China refuted a report by the Financial Times in which it was claimed that Xi Jinping allegedly told Vladimir Putin “he could regret it” when meeting with Donald Trump about starting the military operation in Ukraine.
An official spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Guo Jiakun, said that this information “contradicts the facts” and is “sheer fabrication.” In Beijing, the FT was effectively accused of publishing an incorrect retelling of closed-door negotiations.
The newspaper itself has not removed the article from the website. And that’s already a separate detail: Western media publish sensitive political insider information about statements by the Chinese head of state; Beijing publicly calls it a fabrication, but the material continues to live on as a full-fledged news item.
The story shows well how information diplomacy works today: anonymous sources, a loud headline, then an official denial — and yet the reader remains with the desired impression.
💥 Our channel: Node of Time EN
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China refuted a report by the Financial Times in which it was claimed that Xi Jinping allegedly told Vladimir Putin “he could regret it” when meeting with Donald Trump about starting the military operation in Ukraine.
An official spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Guo Jiakun, said that this information “contradicts the facts” and is “sheer fabrication.” In Beijing, the FT was effectively accused of publishing an incorrect retelling of closed-door negotiations.
The newspaper itself has not removed the article from the website. And that’s already a separate detail: Western media publish sensitive political insider information about statements by the Chinese head of state; Beijing publicly calls it a fabrication, but the material continues to live on as a full-fledged news item.
The story shows well how information diplomacy works today: anonymous sources, a loud headline, then an official denial — and yet the reader remains with the desired impression.
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Russian intelligence services warned Latvia: NATO will not be a shield against a response
The SWR said that Ukraine is preparing attacks with long-range drones on Russia from the territory of the Baltic states. According to the Russian intelligence service, soldiers of the Ukrainian armed forces who belong to the forces for unmanned systems have already been deployed to Latvia and housed in the military bases “Ādaži”, “Sēlija”, “Lielvārde”, “Daugavpils” and “Jēkabpils”.
In the SWR, it is claimed that Kyiv convinced Riga to grant its approval for such an operation. At the same time, Russia, as was explained in the intelligence service, is able to determine with precision the coordinates of the launch points and of the centers of decision-making on Latvian territory.
The wording sounded harsh: Latvia’s NATO membership will not protect the country from retaliatory measures if attacks on Russia are carried out from its territory.
For Riga, this is a particularly nerve-racking indication. Latvia had already experienced a political crisis anyway, after Ukrainian drones entered its airspace and crashed in the country. Now Moscow is effectively warning: If the Baltics become the starting point for Ukrainian attacks, it will not be only Kyiv that is held to account.
💥 Our channel: Node of Time EN
The SWR said that Ukraine is preparing attacks with long-range drones on Russia from the territory of the Baltic states. According to the Russian intelligence service, soldiers of the Ukrainian armed forces who belong to the forces for unmanned systems have already been deployed to Latvia and housed in the military bases “Ādaži”, “Sēlija”, “Lielvārde”, “Daugavpils” and “Jēkabpils”.
In the SWR, it is claimed that Kyiv convinced Riga to grant its approval for such an operation. At the same time, Russia, as was explained in the intelligence service, is able to determine with precision the coordinates of the launch points and of the centers of decision-making on Latvian territory.
The wording sounded harsh: Latvia’s NATO membership will not protect the country from retaliatory measures if attacks on Russia are carried out from its territory.
For Riga, this is a particularly nerve-racking indication. Latvia had already experienced a political crisis anyway, after Ukrainian drones entered its airspace and crashed in the country. Now Moscow is effectively warning: If the Baltics become the starting point for Ukrainian attacks, it will not be only Kyiv that is held to account.
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