تعقيبا على التهافت النسوي لسيدة الساعات الحزينة مدري ساعات السيدة الحزينة مدري حزينة سيدة ساعات

مضمون بوست قناة 0/0 كالتالي:

قبل الثورة الصناعية كان النظام الإقتصادي في أغلب الكوكب إقطاعيًا:

الرجال كانوا يعملون في الحقول، يجنون المحاصيل ويرعون المواشي ويؤمنون المواد الخام الناتجة من هذه المزارع

النساء كن يعملن داخل المنازل، يعالجون المواد الخام، يطحنون الحنطة، يدبغون الجلود وينسجون الأقمشة للملابس، يبسترون الحليب، يصنعون الشموع والصابون وبعض قطع الأثاث....الخ

أي أن النظام الإقتصادي كان تكافلي، كلّ يعمل في مجاله، لم تكن العملة معروفة في كثير من مناطق العالم، لم يكن التبادل التجاري بالحجم الذي نعرفه اليوم.
أغلب التجمعات البشرية كانت زراعية بالشكل الذي أسلفنا ذكره، وقلة هي المدن القائمة على التجارة بالدرجة الأساس.

أقرب شيء لمفهوم العملة الحديثة هو الذهب والفضة، وكانت هذه تقريبا محصورة في طبقة الإقطاعيين وملاك الاراضي، أو من بعض ما يكتنزه هؤلاء الفلاحين.

لذا قولكم "unpaid labour" باطل، لم يكن هناك مفهوم للpaying أصلا، كل شيء ينتج ويصنع محليًا
ولم يكن هناك مفهوم للبطالة، من يعمل يأكل ومن لا يعمل يموت من الجوع

وباقي الكلام كله لا ينطبق على المجتمعات ما قبل الثورة الصناعية، وأغلب ما ذكرتموه من أمثلة حول اضطهاد النساء، هي أمثلة من التاريخ الأوروبي، لا أعلم ما الحاجة لذكرها. وإن كان يدل على شيء فهو يدل على مدى جهل الكاتبة بتاريخها المباشر.

Manual of the Diseases of the Eye
Charles Horace Mayo 1939

Should have been named "marble eye"

you're not a 'night owl' you're actually doing something called "revenge bedtime procrastination" which is where you stay up really late after work/school/ college because it's your way of reclaiming time that you feel was taken from you throughout the day and this is you trying to feel like you have a little bit of control over your life.

In aesthetics, for example, an Indian and a German might disagree about what was beautiful, but this didn’t mean one side was right and the other wrong. Each judgment reflected a volksgeist (German for 'spirit of the people') and was true only insofar as it truly expressed the volksgeist. A value judgment could rise no higher than the level of the nation. Herder wasn’t saying one nation was better than another, just that they were different, and that one nation couldn’t be judged by the values of another.

Herder's follower, a German philosopher named Fichte, suggested that some volks (German for 'nations') might actually be superior to others. Specifically, he suggested that Germans were better than others.

— Destiny Disrupted

Those who forged the United States—politicians, historians, philosophers, writers, thinkers, and citizens in general—asserted a nationalist idea quite distinct from the ideologies spawned in Europe. Instead of seeking nationhood in a common religion, history, traditions, customs, race, or ethnic identity, they proposed that multitudes of individuals could become “a people” by virtue of shared principles and shared allegiance to a process. It was a nationalism based on ideas, a nationalism that anyone could embrace because, in theory, it was a nation any person could become a member of, not just those who were born into it.

— Destiny Disrupted

The composition of vast books is a laborious and impoverishing extravagance. To go on for five hundred pages developing an idea whose perfect oral exposition is possible in a few minutes! A better course of procedure is to pretend that these books already exist, and then to offer a resume, a commentary.

More reasonable, more inept, more indolent, I have preferred to write notes upon imaginary books. Such are “Tlön, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius,” “An Examination of the Work of Herbert Quain,” “The Approach to Al-Mu’tasim.”

— Jorge Luis Borges

أمل دنقل عنده نفس هالسالفة:

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بعد عنده "البكاء بين يدي زرقاء اليمامة،" و "سفر التكوين،" و "مقابلة خاصة مع ابن نوح."

In principle, the League of Nations endorsed the idea of self-rule in the Arab world, but in practice, it implemented the Sykes-Picot agreement, dividing the area into zones called “mandates,” which were awarded to Britain and France. The document setting up these mandates called them territories “inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world” and said “the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their . . . experience . . . can best undertake this responsibility.” In short, it spoke of Arabs as children and of Europeans as grown-ups who would take care of them until they could do grown-up things like feed themselves.

Geographically, many of the “nations” that the liberation movements strove to liberate were defined by borders the imperialist powers had drawn: so even in their struggle for liberation they were playing out a story set in motion by Europeans.