Forwarded from Æhtemen
'This species of stone is called by the country-people thunder-stone, but upon what authority seems a matter of much doubt. I have heard the inhabitants assign two reasons – one, that the stones have fallen from the clouds during thunder-storms; and the other, in consequence of their giving out sparks of fire when struck against each other, at the same time emitting a faint smell of sulphur. But in fact the great majority of the people would not be able to assign any reason for so singular a name, not trougling themselves to inquire into the origin of names.'
From ‘The Druid Stones near Shap, in Westmoreland’ (1840).
The Shap Thunder Stone, part of the Shap Stone Avenue. Photo Anne Tate.
From ‘The Druid Stones near Shap, in Westmoreland’ (1840).
The Shap Thunder Stone, part of the Shap Stone Avenue. Photo Anne Tate.
Forwarded from Æhtemen
My own opinion is that the Irminsul more likely resembled the above image. The ‘T’ shape Irminsul we see carved into the Externsteine is widely credited to Wilhelm Teudt (1860-1942). As a ‘Mighty Pillar’ the Irminsul was likely the same as our god-poles, called a stapol in OE, only far larger.
Irmin is cognate with the Eormen in OE and Jǫrmun in ON. Odin himself used the name Jörmunr, suggesting Irmin is Woden and not Tiw.
Image source
Irmin is cognate with the Eormen in OE and Jǫrmun in ON. Odin himself used the name Jörmunr, suggesting Irmin is Woden and not Tiw.
Image source
Forwarded from Þórr siðr
An instance of note that gets overlooked in the history of Snorri Sturluson, is that during his childhood his father Sturla Þórðarson was actually accused of worshipping Odin during a lawsuit (which would have been rare in Iceland, even in the heathen period).
Þorbjörg, the wife of Páll Sölvason who was involved in this lawsuit, came at Sturla with a knife and attempted to stab his eye out while exclaiming:
“Why don’t I make you like the one you most want to be — that is, Odin!”
After this, a settlement occurred and Sturla’s young son Snorri was to be educated by Jón Loftsson, who was said to be descended from Sæmundr fróði Sigfússon, and had blood ties to the Norwegian royal family through King Magnús berfættur.
This connection to Odin and the Norwegian royal family colored much of Snorri Sturluson’s life, as he was the one to document the lineages and histories of the Norwegian kings in Heimskringla, and the later Eddic literature, and collected praise poetry of the Norwegian kingship.
He made ties to the Norwegian royal family at the time of Hákon gamli, and attempted to dissolve the Icelandic commonwealth and was tasked by the king to bring Iceland under the Norwegian crown, which he failed to do and it eventually caused his death as it displeased Hákon, who had Snorri killed.
Photo is a depiction of the encounter between Þorbjörg and Sturla from an Icelandic newspaper.
Þorbjörg, the wife of Páll Sölvason who was involved in this lawsuit, came at Sturla with a knife and attempted to stab his eye out while exclaiming:
“Why don’t I make you like the one you most want to be — that is, Odin!”
After this, a settlement occurred and Sturla’s young son Snorri was to be educated by Jón Loftsson, who was said to be descended from Sæmundr fróði Sigfússon, and had blood ties to the Norwegian royal family through King Magnús berfættur.
This connection to Odin and the Norwegian royal family colored much of Snorri Sturluson’s life, as he was the one to document the lineages and histories of the Norwegian kings in Heimskringla, and the later Eddic literature, and collected praise poetry of the Norwegian kingship.
He made ties to the Norwegian royal family at the time of Hákon gamli, and attempted to dissolve the Icelandic commonwealth and was tasked by the king to bring Iceland under the Norwegian crown, which he failed to do and it eventually caused his death as it displeased Hákon, who had Snorri killed.
Photo is a depiction of the encounter between Þorbjörg and Sturla from an Icelandic newspaper.
Forwarded from Aryan Paganism, Traditions and Art (APTA)
Zadorozhnyj designed the interior of a restaurant "Bratina" in Kyiv made in Slavic Pagan style
Forwarded from Wäinölä 🇫🇮
“Now the iron is hot. Nationalistic ideas are on the rise in this confused madhouse of internationalism. Needed now are people imbued with the Kalevalaic spirit who are able to bring unifying ideas from distant antiquity, lift minds out of the mire of materialism, and bring joy and invigoration to those struggling under the pressures of everyday life — especially the youth.”
— Hilja-Maria Niku, 1957.
[ Wäinölä 🇫🇮 ]
— Hilja-Maria Niku, 1957.
[ Wäinölä 🇫🇮 ]
Forwarded from Wäinölä 🇫🇮
Forwarded from Wäinölä 🇫🇮
This wooden elk head was found in a bog in Lehtojärvi, Rovaniemi, when digging a ditch in 1955. Based on the joints carved into the elk's head, the object was probably a boat figurehead. Elk-head prows are a common motif in prehistoric rock art and can be clearly identified in about 12% of prehistoric boat depictions discovered in Finland. Depicted here is one of the most obvious examples of an elk-head prow, the boat painting from Patalahti, Asikkala.
The Lehtojärvi elk head (KM 14189:1 🔗) has been dated to about 8,000 years old, placing it in the Mesolithic Stone Age. It was originally painted with red ochre (the same iron oxide pigment used in Finnish prehistoric rock art) and waterproofed with a greasy substance.
The elk (Alces alces) was of extraordinary importance to northern populations for several millennia, being not only the most important game animal in the boreal forest zone, but also an animal of notable symbolic significance. Researcher Ville Mantere presents the argument that there were two fundamental reasons for producing elk representations in rock art and on artifacts: to gain success in hunting and to guarantee the reproduction of elks for hunting.
Another central argument is that the elk cow embodied the “game ruler” or “animal master spirit” of elks, which had ultimate control over not only rebirth and fertility, but also hunting success. The focus on the elk cow as a life-giver seems to have been a key theme that persisted for several millennia in Northern Europe.
Mantere further argues that elk figures in rock art represent elks as individuals, and that figures depicted at ordinary rock art sites signalled the presence of humans in the landscape and their relationship to the local elks, whereas those found at large rock art concentrations were linked to meetings between hunter-gatherer groups.
Further reading: Ville Mantere: The Relationship Between Humans and Elks (Alces alces) in Northern Europe c. 12 000–1200 calBC (2023). [ PDF 🔗 ]
[ Wäinölä 🇫🇮 ]
The Lehtojärvi elk head (KM 14189:1 🔗) has been dated to about 8,000 years old, placing it in the Mesolithic Stone Age. It was originally painted with red ochre (the same iron oxide pigment used in Finnish prehistoric rock art) and waterproofed with a greasy substance.
The elk (Alces alces) was of extraordinary importance to northern populations for several millennia, being not only the most important game animal in the boreal forest zone, but also an animal of notable symbolic significance. Researcher Ville Mantere presents the argument that there were two fundamental reasons for producing elk representations in rock art and on artifacts: to gain success in hunting and to guarantee the reproduction of elks for hunting.
Another central argument is that the elk cow embodied the “game ruler” or “animal master spirit” of elks, which had ultimate control over not only rebirth and fertility, but also hunting success. The focus on the elk cow as a life-giver seems to have been a key theme that persisted for several millennia in Northern Europe.
Mantere further argues that elk figures in rock art represent elks as individuals, and that figures depicted at ordinary rock art sites signalled the presence of humans in the landscape and their relationship to the local elks, whereas those found at large rock art concentrations were linked to meetings between hunter-gatherer groups.
Further reading: Ville Mantere: The Relationship Between Humans and Elks (Alces alces) in Northern Europe c. 12 000–1200 calBC (2023). [ PDF 🔗 ]
[ Wäinölä 🇫🇮 ]
Forwarded from Gnostic Intel
“Christian societies have never come to the realization that the Mosaic covenant is nothing but a program for world domination by the Jewish nation. That is because it is written right under their nose, in a book whose malice they cannot recognize because they have been told it is the Word of God. It takes a free-thinker like H. G. Wells to see the biblical idea of the Chosen People for what it is: ‘a conspiracy against the rest of the world*.’”
― Laurent Guyénot, Our God is Your God Too But He Has Chosen Us
*Herbert George Wells, The Fate of Homo Sapiens, 1935, p.128. (archive.org)
Image: Esau sold his birthright by Matthias Stom
― Laurent Guyénot, Our God is Your God Too But He Has Chosen Us
*Herbert George Wells, The Fate of Homo Sapiens, 1935, p.128. (archive.org)
Image: Esau sold his birthright by Matthias Stom
Forwarded from The Hellenic Heart
Our Beliefs Are Not a Philosophy.
They Are a Bloodline.
We believe the Gods of Olympus are not abstract "ideas" or moral "metaphors". They are Real, Divine Beings, inextricably tied to the Hellenic People, our Land, our History, and our Blood. They are our Protectors, our Ancestors’ Patrons, and the source of our Strength.
We believe in Eusebeia (εὐσέβεια), Piety. This is the sacred duty to honor the Gods through right action, sacrifice, and upholding our traditions. It is a reciprocal relationship of respect and gift-giving between mortals and the divine.
We believe in the Theoi, the Pantheon, each God and Goddess a reflection of the natural and cosmic order. From Zeus, King of the Gods, to Hestia, guardian of the sacred hearth, each deity represents a fundamental power of this world.
We believe this path is our inheritance. It is not universal. It is particular. It is for us.
This is the first pillar. The foundation. In time, we will rebuild it all.
⇀ Πάντα καὶ πάντως εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας θεούς ↽
They Are a Bloodline.
We believe the Gods of Olympus are not abstract "ideas" or moral "metaphors". They are Real, Divine Beings, inextricably tied to the Hellenic People, our Land, our History, and our Blood. They are our Protectors, our Ancestors’ Patrons, and the source of our Strength.
We believe in Eusebeia (εὐσέβεια), Piety. This is the sacred duty to honor the Gods through right action, sacrifice, and upholding our traditions. It is a reciprocal relationship of respect and gift-giving between mortals and the divine.
We believe in the Theoi, the Pantheon, each God and Goddess a reflection of the natural and cosmic order. From Zeus, King of the Gods, to Hestia, guardian of the sacred hearth, each deity represents a fundamental power of this world.
We believe this path is our inheritance. It is not universal. It is particular. It is for us.
This is the first pillar. The foundation. In time, we will rebuild it all.
⇀ Πάντα καὶ πάντως εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας θεούς ↽
Forwarded from Wäinölä 🇫🇮
Two expressions of the same ritual logic: Christianity inhabiting a seasonal system (left), and Yule operating on its own terms (right).
Christmas as Ritual Season (Not Doctrinal Feast)
Even among committed Christians, there is no consensus on the origins or historical grounding of Christmas symbols. What is defended is the season itself, not the accuracy of its explanations — further evidence that Christmas operates primarily as a ritual season, not a doctrinal feast.
This becomes clear not through speculative “Pagan gotcha” arguments, but by listening to Christians themselves.
Some explicitly acknowledge that Christmas customs were adapted from earlier seasonal practices to facilitate conversion. Others accept that the date does not correspond to the historical birth of Jesus, insisting instead that “it symbolizes it.” Still others reject pre-Christian continuities outright — while nevertheless continuing to observe the same seasonal behaviors.
That word — symbolizes — is decisive. Symbols do not require historical precision; rituals require only repetition, timing, and social participation.
Ritual Time vs. Historical Time
Ethnographic and folkloric sources consistently show that midwinter was treated as a period of heightened ritual efficacy, long before Christian theology attached new narratives to it.
Nils Lid documents Scandinavian Yule as a complex of ritual acts involving food left untouched for unseen guests, offerings to household and field spirits, fertility divination, and calendrical forecasting tied explicitly to Christmas night and morning. These practices persist well into the Christian period with little theological reinterpretation.
In Finland and the wider Finno-Baltic sphere, Andreas Nordberg records Christmas as a threshold season used for agricultural omens, weather divination, and future prosperity — functions incompatible with a purely commemorative feast.
Douglas Hill's broad comparative survey shows Christmas repeatedly appearing in European folk belief as a power-bearing date:
• weather and harvest omens tied to Christmas moonlight and sunlight
• beliefs about births on Christmas conferring special abilities
• prohibitions against cutting certain trees or burning specific woods during the season
• ritual bread baked on Christmas Day believed to cure illness
None of these depend on the Nativity narrative. They depend on timing.
Just as Italians name weekdays after planetary gods without conscious pagan intent (lunedì, martedì…), Yule — now called Christmas — operates as a functional inheritance rather than a remembered one. The ritual persists even when its older meanings are no longer articulated — or are actively denied.
Hill notes this pattern explicitly: practices once embedded in Pagan seasonal rites are not erased by Christianity, but reframed, blessed, or tolerated as long as they no longer threaten doctrine. The blessing of ploughs, beating of bounds, and seasonal use of greenery survive precisely because they serve social and agricultural continuity, not theology.
Even attempts to reinterpret symbols — such as identifying the evergreen tree with the biblical burning bush — confirm the point: the ritual object predates the explanation.
Therefore it may be reasonably concluded that Christmas did not replace an earlier ritual season. It inhabited Yule.
The Church supplied narrative and doctrine; the calendar supplied power. What endured was not belief, but practice — repeated annually at the moment when the year itself appeared most vulnerable.
That is why Christmas still works, even when no one agrees on why.
Sources:
• Nils Lid: Joleband og vegetasjonsguddom (1928).
• Andreas Nordberg: Jul, disting och förkyrklig tideräkning (2006).
• Douglas Hill: Magic and Superstition (1968).
[ Wäinölä 🇫🇮 ]
Christmas as Ritual Season (Not Doctrinal Feast)
Even among committed Christians, there is no consensus on the origins or historical grounding of Christmas symbols. What is defended is the season itself, not the accuracy of its explanations — further evidence that Christmas operates primarily as a ritual season, not a doctrinal feast.
This becomes clear not through speculative “Pagan gotcha” arguments, but by listening to Christians themselves.
Some explicitly acknowledge that Christmas customs were adapted from earlier seasonal practices to facilitate conversion. Others accept that the date does not correspond to the historical birth of Jesus, insisting instead that “it symbolizes it.” Still others reject pre-Christian continuities outright — while nevertheless continuing to observe the same seasonal behaviors.
That word — symbolizes — is decisive. Symbols do not require historical precision; rituals require only repetition, timing, and social participation.
Ritual Time vs. Historical Time
Ethnographic and folkloric sources consistently show that midwinter was treated as a period of heightened ritual efficacy, long before Christian theology attached new narratives to it.
Nils Lid documents Scandinavian Yule as a complex of ritual acts involving food left untouched for unseen guests, offerings to household and field spirits, fertility divination, and calendrical forecasting tied explicitly to Christmas night and morning. These practices persist well into the Christian period with little theological reinterpretation.
In Finland and the wider Finno-Baltic sphere, Andreas Nordberg records Christmas as a threshold season used for agricultural omens, weather divination, and future prosperity — functions incompatible with a purely commemorative feast.
Douglas Hill's broad comparative survey shows Christmas repeatedly appearing in European folk belief as a power-bearing date:
• weather and harvest omens tied to Christmas moonlight and sunlight
• beliefs about births on Christmas conferring special abilities
• prohibitions against cutting certain trees or burning specific woods during the season
• ritual bread baked on Christmas Day believed to cure illness
None of these depend on the Nativity narrative. They depend on timing.
Just as Italians name weekdays after planetary gods without conscious pagan intent (lunedì, martedì…), Yule — now called Christmas — operates as a functional inheritance rather than a remembered one. The ritual persists even when its older meanings are no longer articulated — or are actively denied.
Hill notes this pattern explicitly: practices once embedded in Pagan seasonal rites are not erased by Christianity, but reframed, blessed, or tolerated as long as they no longer threaten doctrine. The blessing of ploughs, beating of bounds, and seasonal use of greenery survive precisely because they serve social and agricultural continuity, not theology.
Even attempts to reinterpret symbols — such as identifying the evergreen tree with the biblical burning bush — confirm the point: the ritual object predates the explanation.
Therefore it may be reasonably concluded that Christmas did not replace an earlier ritual season. It inhabited Yule.
The Church supplied narrative and doctrine; the calendar supplied power. What endured was not belief, but practice — repeated annually at the moment when the year itself appeared most vulnerable.
That is why Christmas still works, even when no one agrees on why.
Sources:
• Nils Lid: Joleband og vegetasjonsguddom (1928).
• Andreas Nordberg: Jul, disting och förkyrklig tideräkning (2006).
• Douglas Hill: Magic and Superstition (1968).
[ Wäinölä 🇫🇮 ]
Forwarded from Wäinölä 🇫🇮