The Observer
The United States has reportedly deployed more than 100 military advisors to Saudi Arabia to provide intelligence and battlefield support as Riyadh intensifies its military campaign against Yemen’s Ansar Allah.
According to CNN, citing U.S. sources, the American personnel are providing Saudi forces with:
▪️ Geospatial intelligence
▪️ Real-time battlefield tracking
▪️ Intelligence and operational support
The number of U.S. personnel in Saudi Arabia could eventually reach around 200, the report said.
Washington maintains that its forces are not directly participating in airstrikes or refueling Saudi aircraft. However, the deployment represents a deeper level of U.S. involvement in the renewed conflict.
Intelligence, surveillance, targeting data and battlefield tracking can substantially enhance the effectiveness of air and ground operations even without U.S. personnel directly conducting strikes.
The development therefore raises a central concern :
It seems that Washington is becoming a direct operational enabler of Saudi military action in Yemen while maintaining the formal distinction of “non-combat involvement”!?
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The Observer
Russian philosopher and geopolitical thinker Alexander Dugin frames the current confrontation not simply as a struggle for territory or influence, but as a moral and civilizational conflict between what he describes as Western hegemony and forces resisting foreign domination.
From Dugin’s ideological perspective, the message contains three central arguments:
Dugin regards military pressure against the so-called Axis of Resistance, particularly Iran and Ansar Allah, as an expression of Western imperial power. He portrays their actions not as aggression, but as a struggle for sovereignty, independence and the preservation of traditional values.
His warning that
“it is not all”
suggests that the confrontation may not remain confined to its current actors.
In Dugin’s reading, continued pressure on Iran and Ansar Allah could produce the opposite of its intended effect: more states, movements and anti-Western forces could be pushed toward greater coordination with the resistance camp.
The more the pressure expands, the wider the potential alignment becomes.
Dugin’s reference to “new surprises” reflects his broader belief that the existing international order is entering a period of structural transformation.
For him, the issue is ultimately larger than one battlefield or one alliance. He sees a growing confrontation between a Western-led unipolar order and an emerging coalition challenging its political, military and ideological dominance.
Whether one accepts Dugin’s worldview or not, the underlying warning is significant:
Attempts to isolate or destroy one resistance actor can potentially generate wider strategic alignment rather than submission.
The question is therefore no longer simply who controls the battlefield, but how many actors may eventually enter it.
The next phase may reveal whether the current confrontation remains regional — or develops into a much broader geopolitical realignment.
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📍 Riyadh
In a statement issued by the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Friday, September 11, 2026, Saudi Arabia accused Iraq of being the source of attacks targeting oil supply pipelines. Jordan expressed its full solidarity with Saudi Arabia, while the Iraqi Foreign Ministry rejected the use of Iraqi territory as a platform for attacks against neighboring and brotherly states.
▪️ Saudi Arabia: Attacks Came from Iraq, Riyadh Reserves Right to Respond
The Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement condemning “in the strongest terms” the attacks targeting the East-West oil pipeline in the Riyadh and Medina regions. It said the attacks were carried out by
“several drones coming from Iraq,”
causing casualties and damage to infrastructure.
According to the statement, Saudi Arabia
“chose not to respond at this stage”
at the request of the Iraqi Prime Minister, in order to give the Iraqi government an opportunity to take measures to prevent attacks originating from its territory against Saudi Arabia and neighboring countries.
The statement concluded by emphasizing that the Kingdom
“reserves its right to take all measures necessary to protect its sovereignty, security, facilities, citizens, and residents.”
▪️ Jordan: Full Solidarity with Saudi Arabia
Jordan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriate Affairs condemned the attack, describing it as a
“blatant violation of the sovereignty of the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,”
a threat to its security and stability, and an explicit violation of international law and the UN Charter.
The ministry affirmed the
“absolute solidarity of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan”
with Saudi Arabia and its support for
“all steps it takes to protect its sovereignty, security, resources, and the safety of its citizens and residents.”
▪️ Iraq: Rejection of the Use of Its Territory to Target Brotherly States
The Iraqi Foreign Ministry stated that Iraq categorically rejects the use of its territory as a platform for targeting brotherly and neighboring states, stressing Baghdad’s commitment to preventing any attack originating from Iraqi territory.
The ministry also expressed Iraq’s solidarity with Saudi Arabia, emphasizing Baghdad’s commitment to the security and stability of the region and respect for the sovereignty of brotherly states.
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The Observer
📍 Baghdad
Just two hours after the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement accusing Iraq of being the source of attacks on an oil pipeline, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces Ali Faleh Al-Zaidi, in the early hours of Saturday, ordered the dismissal of the Maysan Operations Commander and the formation of an investigative committee into the operations command.
The spokesperson for the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Sabah Al-Numan, said in a statement that the dismissal came “following confirmation that the attacks targeting our brothers in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia originated from one of the sites within the governorate.”
⚠️ Closer to Recklessness Than to Prudence and the Prevention of Escalation
Dismissing the Maysan Operations Commander just two hours after the Saudi statement represents nothing more than an impulsive reaction lacking political or military judgment. Indeed, it is closer to recklessness than to prudence and responsible efforts to prevent escalation.
👣 The Commander-in-Chief’s Weakness and Lack of Experience
Through his actions and repeated displays of weakness, Al-Zaidi has clearly demonstrated that he lacks political experience, let alone military expertise.
He has proven incapable of confronting aggression or protecting the country’s sovereignty, instead remaining a passive observer, unable to take any meaningful action.
🎞 A Record of Failure: Dozens Killed and Foreign Bases
This failure has been demonstrated repeatedly. During February and March 2026, Iraqi army and Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) facilities came under sustained bombing, resulting in the deaths of dozens of personnel, including the Anbar Operations Commander and several field commanders. The PMF Commission also announced that the death and injury toll from U.S. strikes on its facilities alone had reached dozens.
At the time, Al-Zaidi’s response went no further than issuing statements and holding emergency meetings.
In another major security scandal, reports by The New York Times revealed that Israel had established two secret bases on Iraqi territory in the western desert, which it allegedly used to support operations against Iran for more than a year. One of the bases was reportedly discovered by chance by an Iraqi shepherd, who was later found dead with his body burned.
According to the reports, attempts to investigate the matter were repeatedly obstructed by senior military officials.
⏩️ How Is He Moving So Quickly Now?
The question that inevitably arises is this:
If Al-Zaidi was capable of uncovering the circumstances surrounding the attack on Saudi Arabia and identifying the location and responsible party within just two hours, why was he unable to uncover the foreign bases?
And even after they were exposed, why has he still failed to identify and hold accountable those who allegedly provide the enemy with information about the locations of Iraqi forces and facilities that have come under attack?
Either he possesses extraordinary intelligence capabilities that suddenly emerged, or he is doing nothing more than carrying out foreign orders.
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The Observer
Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Energy announced on September 11, 2026, that the East-West Oil Pipeline, also known as the Petroline, was targeted by multiple drone attacks on the morning of September 10. The attacks reportedly caused casualties and led to the precautionary shutdown of the pipeline.
The Saudi Foreign Ministry accused the drones of coming from Iraqi territory, while Iraqi Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi condemned the attack and ordered an urgent investigation, stressing that Iraqi airspace would not be used to launch attacks against other countries.
Satellite imagery and NASA fire-monitoring data reportedly showed broad black smoke plumes and abnormal thermal anomalies along the pipeline, particularly in the desert area between Medina and Mahd adh-Dhahab Governorate. Peak fire intensity reportedly reached approximately 70 megawatts, indicating a major oil leak and extensive burning.
The East-West Pipeline is a strategic artery approximately 1,200 kilometers long, running from the Abqaiq area in Al-Ahsa in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province to the port of Yanbu on the Red Sea coast.
Its maximum designed capacity is approximately 7 million barrels per day, of which around 2 million barrels per day are used to supply refineries in western Saudi Arabia, leaving approximately 5 million barrels per day available for export.
Since the escalation between the United States and Iran in 2026 disrupted maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, Saudi Arabia has reportedly redirected around 5 million barrels per day of oil exports that previously moved through the Gulf toward this pipeline for shipment from the Red Sea.
The East-West Pipeline therefore became the effective sole outlet for Saudi oil that bypasses Hormuz, making it the strategic “bottleneck” protecting Saudi Arabia’s oil economy from an Iranian closure of the strait.
That is why targeting this pipeline is not simply an attack on an ordinary facility. It represents a direct strike against Riyadh’s last major strategic line of defense for bypassing Hormuz.
Following the incident, Brent crude reportedly rose to $104.61 per barrel, an 8.7% weekly increase. The market reaction reflects the scale of concern over the potential loss of this alternative export capacity.
The attack reveals an important reality:
The alternatives Saudi Arabia developed to reduce its exposure to the risks of the Strait of Hormuz, such as the East-West Pipeline, are not inherently immune to attack. Geopolitical risks were not eliminated by pipelines; they were simply shifted from the sea to the land.
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The Russian View: Lithuania’s Nuclear Gamble
Lithuania is moving to lift its constitutional ban on hosting nuclear weapons. Moscow’s warning is blunt: if NATO nuclear weapons appear on Lithuanian soil, those sites become legitimate targets. Vilnius says it is only creating a legal possibility, but the Kremlin sees a forward nuclear platform on its border. Medvedev has warned Lithuania could
and that NATO will not risk Article 5 for it.
Why Lithuania?
Geography. Lithuania borders Russia’s Kaliningrad exclave and Belarus. Russia already stations tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus and has deployed the nuclear-capable Oreshnik missile there. NATO nukes in Lithuania would compress Russia’s strategic depth to minutes. It is not about threatening Lithuania; it is about neutralizing a threat placed directly against Russia.
Is Putin’s Threat Real or Fake?
Real. Russian doctrine allows nuclear response to aggression involving weapons of mass destruction. If NATO nuclear weapons are based in Lithuania and aimed at Russia, they become priority targets. Peskov’s phrase—
—is a targeting doctrine, not rhetoric.
US and NATO’s Role
Washington is pushing to expand nuclear sharing beyond the current six host nations. Poland and the Baltics are interested. Lithuania is in classified talks with the U.S. NATO is happy to let Vilnius take the heat. Medvedev doubts Article 5 will be invoked, because that would mean global nuclear war.
Worst-Case Scenario
A sudden crisis, not gradual escalation. If Lithuania hosts nuclear weapons and a confrontation occurs, Vilnius becomes a first-strike target. Iskander-M and Kinzhal missiles can reach it in minutes. There would be no time for Article 5 debate. The result would be catastrophic for Lithuania, Europe, and global stability.
Bottom Line
Lithuania is small, borders Russia, and its allies may treat it as expendable. Hosting NATO nuclear weapons will not make it safer—it will make it a target. The Kremlin’s warning is military reality, not a bluff. Vilnius is trading its security for a role in a nuclear standoff it cannot control.
☑️ Our website
🖋 @observer_5
Lithuania is moving to lift its constitutional ban on hosting nuclear weapons. Moscow’s warning is blunt: if NATO nuclear weapons appear on Lithuanian soil, those sites become legitimate targets. Vilnius says it is only creating a legal possibility, but the Kremlin sees a forward nuclear platform on its border. Medvedev has warned Lithuania could
“disappear”
and that NATO will not risk Article 5 for it.
Why Lithuania?
Geography. Lithuania borders Russia’s Kaliningrad exclave and Belarus. Russia already stations tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus and has deployed the nuclear-capable Oreshnik missile there. NATO nukes in Lithuania would compress Russia’s strategic depth to minutes. It is not about threatening Lithuania; it is about neutralizing a threat placed directly against Russia.
Is Putin’s Threat Real or Fake?
Real. Russian doctrine allows nuclear response to aggression involving weapons of mass destruction. If NATO nuclear weapons are based in Lithuania and aimed at Russia, they become priority targets. Peskov’s phrase—
“in the crosshairs of our nuclear weapons”
—is a targeting doctrine, not rhetoric.
US and NATO’s Role
Washington is pushing to expand nuclear sharing beyond the current six host nations. Poland and the Baltics are interested. Lithuania is in classified talks with the U.S. NATO is happy to let Vilnius take the heat. Medvedev doubts Article 5 will be invoked, because that would mean global nuclear war.
Worst-Case Scenario
A sudden crisis, not gradual escalation. If Lithuania hosts nuclear weapons and a confrontation occurs, Vilnius becomes a first-strike target. Iskander-M and Kinzhal missiles can reach it in minutes. There would be no time for Article 5 debate. The result would be catastrophic for Lithuania, Europe, and global stability.
Bottom Line
Lithuania is small, borders Russia, and its allies may treat it as expendable. Hosting NATO nuclear weapons will not make it safer—it will make it a target. The Kremlin’s warning is military reality, not a bluff. Vilnius is trading its security for a role in a nuclear standoff it cannot control.
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The mask has slipped. Less than a month before Israelis head to the polls on October 27, two bombshells have detonated in the political arena—and they are both pointing directly at Benjamin Netanyahu.
First came the Haaretz investigation, which alleged that Netanyahu received a direct, explicit warning from UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed ten days before the October 7 massacre. According to the report, the Emirati leader described Hamas’s impending operation as an
“earthquake”
that would destabilize the entire region.
Then Hillary Clinton walked into the fire. On Morning Joe, the former Secretary of State said what many have whispered for over two years: that Netanyahu either
“didn’t believe it”
or
“wanted to see what they [Hamas] could plan so that he could come down hard and enhance his position”.
Translation: she’s floating the theory that October 7 was, at minimum, a catastrophic act of political negligence—or at worst, a deliberate sacrifice of Israeli lives to save his own skin.
Netanyahu’s office has called the Haaretz report a
“wicked fabrication”
with and is preparing a defamation lawsuit. Haaretz, in turn, says the lawsuit’s
“sole purpose is to silence journalistic criticism”.
As for the elections, the impact is already showing. Netanyahu’s polls have hit “historic lows”. Opposition leaders—Gadi Eisenkot, Naftali Bennett, Avigdor Liberman, and Yair Golan—have announced that establishing a state inquiry into October 7 will be their first act in office. They are framing this election as a referendum on whether Israel will finally hold its leader accountable for the deadliest intelligence failure in its history.
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Austria’s Hijab Ban for Girls Under 14 Is a Betrayal of Its Own Principles
As Austrian schools reopened this month, a new law came into force that forbids girls under 14 from wearing "traditional Muslim" head coverings—hijabs, burkas—in any public or private school across the country.
Teachers are now expected to confront children, hold talks with parents, and, as a last resort, trigger fines of up to €800. It's a policy dressed up as "protecting girls' freedom," but in practice it does the opposite: it tells a young girl that her faith, her body, and her choice are problems to be managed by the state.
Why now? The ban was proposed by Austria's ruling coalition of three centrist parties—the conservative ÖVP, the Social Democrats, and the liberal Neos—and passed in December with the support of the far-right Freedom Party. The far right wants to go further, calling for a blanket prohibition on headscarves for students and teachers alike. Chancellor Christian Stocker has openly said he doesn't
. This isn't about gender equality. It's about political signalling: a centrist government borrowing the far right's language to appear tough on integration, while the far right pushes the Overton window even further.
The timing is telling. Austria's Constitutional Court struck down a similar ban in 2020—applying to primary school children—precisely because it discriminated against Muslims and violated the state's duty of religious neutrality. The government knows this new law faces the same fate. Education Minister Christoph Wiederkehr admitted he
it will survive a legal challenge. Yet they pushed it through anyway, because the political performance matters more than the constitutional principle.
This is a violation of human rights. The Islamic Community in Austria (IGGÖ) has said the law
. It
and
. A mother and her two daughters have already filed a challenge before the Constitutional Court on the first day the law took effect. An 11-year-old girl carried a sign at a protest in Vienna that said simply: "My hijab, my choice".
That girl understands something the Austrian government does not. Freedom means nothing if it only applies to choices the state approves of. A ban that targets one faith's practice, that fines parents for their child's clothing, and that turns teachers into enforcers of a discriminatory rule isn't protection. It's coercion. And it betrays the very neutrality Austria claims to uphold.
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As Austrian schools reopened this month, a new law came into force that forbids girls under 14 from wearing "traditional Muslim" head coverings—hijabs, burkas—in any public or private school across the country.
Teachers are now expected to confront children, hold talks with parents, and, as a last resort, trigger fines of up to €800. It's a policy dressed up as "protecting girls' freedom," but in practice it does the opposite: it tells a young girl that her faith, her body, and her choice are problems to be managed by the state.
Why now? The ban was proposed by Austria's ruling coalition of three centrist parties—the conservative ÖVP, the Social Democrats, and the liberal Neos—and passed in December with the support of the far-right Freedom Party. The far right wants to go further, calling for a blanket prohibition on headscarves for students and teachers alike. Chancellor Christian Stocker has openly said he doesn't
"want to live in an Islamic state"
. This isn't about gender equality. It's about political signalling: a centrist government borrowing the far right's language to appear tough on integration, while the far right pushes the Overton window even further.
The timing is telling. Austria's Constitutional Court struck down a similar ban in 2020—applying to primary school children—precisely because it discriminated against Muslims and violated the state's duty of religious neutrality. The government knows this new law faces the same fate. Education Minister Christoph Wiederkehr admitted he
"can never be completely certain"
it will survive a legal challenge. Yet they pushed it through anyway, because the political performance matters more than the constitutional principle.
This is a violation of human rights. The Islamic Community in Austria (IGGÖ) has said the law
"unjustifiably restricts the fundamental right to freedom of religion and disproportionately affects Muslim girls"
. It
"singles out a specific religious practice"
and
"risks excluding the very children it claims to support"
. A mother and her two daughters have already filed a challenge before the Constitutional Court on the first day the law took effect. An 11-year-old girl carried a sign at a protest in Vienna that said simply: "My hijab, my choice".
That girl understands something the Austrian government does not. Freedom means nothing if it only applies to choices the state approves of. A ban that targets one faith's practice, that fines parents for their child's clothing, and that turns teachers into enforcers of a discriminatory rule isn't protection. It's coercion. And it betrays the very neutrality Austria claims to uphold.
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The Observer
The Yemeni Armed Forces have carried out a successful operation, seizing a suite of state-of-the-art surveillance systems and naval radars provided as gifts by the terrorist regimes of the United States, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates to their proxy coalition forces.
The captured intelligence assets include:
• French Thales CoastWatcher 100 System: Operates on advanced AI algorithms for automated data fusion and real-time detection of suspicious maritime behavior across a range exceeding 150 nautical miles.
• German Hensoldt Spexer / Kelvin Hughes SharpEye System: Designed to penetrate severe wave interference and track high-speed, micro-targets—including inflatable craft, speedboats, and floating naval mines—in severe sea conditions.
• Israeli Elta Mobile Coastal Radar (ELM-2226 ACSR): Utilizes Low Probability of Intercept (LPI) characteristics, allowing operation without detection by electronic warfare systems.
• Submerged Sensor Networks ("Blue Whale"): Deployed in the strategic waters surrounding the Hanish and Zuqar islands.
• Long-Range Thermal Camera Systems (EO/IR): Integrated with laser rangefinders for precise nocturnal targeting, vessel identification, and coastal monitoring.
All systems are now under the complete control of the Yemeni Armed Forces.
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The Israeli military analyst, Doron Kadosh, underscores the scale of what is at stake:
🚢 Bab al-Mandab is a critical artery linking Asian trade with Europe.
That means higher fuel costs, longer supply chains, greater insurance exposure, and mounting pressure on global energy and commodity markets.
Bab al-Mandab connects the maritime system linking the Indian Ocean, Red Sea, Suez Canal and European markets, while also serving as the maritime gateway to Israel’s Eilat port.
The intelligence takeaway:
If Yemen can sustain the ability to disrupt this corridor, it does not need to defeat a major navy conventionally.
It only needs to make the route too dangerous or too expensive to use.
Alongside the Strait of Hormuz, Bab al-Mandab becomes a pressure point capable of turning a regional confrontation into a global economic and energy crisis.
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The Observer
Iraq is rapidly escalating its response to the alleged attacks on Saudi Arabia.
🇮🇶 A broad security operation is underway in Maysan to track those allegedly responsible. Local sources also report orders for the Iraqi Army and police to deploy across Basra, conduct searches targeting individuals wanted under Article 4 of the Anti-Terrorism Law, and investigate how equipment and materials allegedly originating from Iran entered Iraq and may have been used in the attacks.
The crossing closure comes days after Saudi Arabia alleged that drones launched from Maysan struck its East-West oil pipeline near Riyadh and Medina. In response, Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi dismissed the Maysan operations commander and ordered an investigative council.
Baghdad has also declared that Iraqi territory and airspace will not be used as a launching pad for aggression against any country, pledging to prevent further attacks originating from Iraqi soil.
Taken individually, each measure can be presented as a legitimate security response.
Taken together, however, they reveal a much broader trajectory:
Saudi attack → Maysan investigation → Basra security sweep → Iran border closure → suspension of Iran flights → renewed pressure on armed factions.
And the political timing is impossible to ignore.
Zaidi is already under intense pressure to disarm Iran-aligned armed factions by September 30, while powerful factions have resisted the demand.
The Saudi attacks therefore provide Baghdad with a potentially powerful narrative:
Iraqi territory → armed groups → attacks on Saudi Arabia → threat to state sovereignty.
⚠️ That narrative can become a political weapon.
It could be used to justify expanded arrests, weapons seizures, border restrictions and intensified pressure on the Hashd and the Islamic Resistance.
There is a legitimate question:
Who launched the attacks?
But there is another question Baghdad must answer:
Who benefits if an investigation into the attacks becomes a broader campaign against Iraq’s resistance factions?
The government must produce evidence, not political assumptions: launch-site intelligence, forensic evidence, command-and-control links, weapons provenance and identified perpetrators.
Otherwise, a genuine security investigation risks becoming a pretext for restructuring Iraq’s internal balance of power under pressure from Riyadh and Washington.
The issue is no longer only who attacked Saudi Arabia.
The issue is whether Baghdad will use the attack to redefine who controls Iraq’s weapons, borders and strategic decision-making.
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The Observer
Even figures close to the Abu Dhabi regime, like Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, are now forced to publicly admit the truth:
the grand defense pacts praised by Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and their allies are nothing more than empty slogans.
Facing the steadfast posture of Ansarullah and the Yemeni Armed Forces in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab, these multi-nation coalitions have proven entirely paralyzed and confused.
The reality of the Persian Gulf monarchies is clear: despite spending hundreds of billions on foreign arms, these regimes remain fundamentally weak. They are incapable of projecting military force or defending their strategic interests without direct backing, command, and operational support from Washington and Tel Aviv. When forced to act independently, their political and security structures unravel.
While the coalition relies on foreign superpowers for protection, Ansarullah has demonstrated true sovereign decision-making, resilience, and military competence on the ground and at sea. The crisis in the Red Sea has permanently exposed that regional alliances built on dependency cannot stand against genuine domestic resolve.
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Field Intelligence Brief: Israeli Aggression in Southern Lebanon
Operational Situation Report
Enemy forces launched a coordinated wave of heavy strikes across multiple sectors in Southern Lebanon. The assault targeted civilian infrastructure, residential quarters, and strategic geography, utilizing combined aerial bombardment, engineering demolitions, and heavy artillery shelling. Low-altitude enemy unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) maintained continuous reconnaissance coverage over the operational sectors, extending north toward the capital and its southern suburbs.
Sequence of Engagement (Timeline)
• Overnight / Early Operations: Enemy engineering units executed heavy explosive demolitions at key high-altitude strategic features, including the Ali al-Taher hill overlooking the Marjayoun district. The resulting structural damage triggered massive rockfalls, severing critical civilian and military supply lines along the Khardali road.
• Mid-Day Strikes: Enemy fighter jets executed low-altitude bombing runs over the Tyre district, striking the town of Mansouri with sequential high-explosive ordnance. Additional airstrikes simultaneously struck the outskirts of Nabatieh al-Fawqa.
• Afternoon Demolitions & Artillery Enfilade: Enemy heavy artillery batteries opened concentrated suppressive fire on the Ali al-Taher hill and Wadi al-Hujeir. Ground forces initiated secondary demolition operations in the Bint Jbeil sector near Baraachit, alongside sustained artillery strikes near Mansouri, leveling public educational facilities and residential housing blocks.
Ordnance & Ammunition Profiles
• Precision-Guided Munitions (PGMs): Enemy warplanes deployed heavy, air-delivered joint direct attack munitions (JDAMs) and anti-fortification glide bombs to target multi-story structures and fortified public facilities in Mansouri and Nabatieh.
• Controlled Heavy Explosives: High-yield military demolition charges were set and detonated by enemy ground forces to systematically collapse key ridgelines, strategic hilltops, and structural edifices in Baraachit and Ali al-Taher.
• Heavy Field Artillery: 155mm high-explosive artillery shells were deployed in concentrated barrages across the Wadi al-Hujeir corridor and peripheral hill positions to deny movement and clear sightlines.
Damage Assessment & Casualties
• Human Losses: Explosive demolitions and air bombardment across the Tyre, Bint Jbeil, and Nabatieh districts resulted in civilian casualties, destroyed residential properties, and damaged civil defense capacity. Rescue units faced localized delays due to obstructed transit routes.
• Infrastructure & Tactical Damage: Enemy strikes demolished the public school in Mansouri and leveled adjacent residential sectors. The strategic transit corridor along the Khardali road was rendered entirely impassable due to deliberate destabilization of the Ali al-Taher ridge, obstructing logistics across the Marjayoun sector.
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Operational Situation Report
Enemy forces launched a coordinated wave of heavy strikes across multiple sectors in Southern Lebanon. The assault targeted civilian infrastructure, residential quarters, and strategic geography, utilizing combined aerial bombardment, engineering demolitions, and heavy artillery shelling. Low-altitude enemy unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) maintained continuous reconnaissance coverage over the operational sectors, extending north toward the capital and its southern suburbs.
Sequence of Engagement (Timeline)
• Overnight / Early Operations: Enemy engineering units executed heavy explosive demolitions at key high-altitude strategic features, including the Ali al-Taher hill overlooking the Marjayoun district. The resulting structural damage triggered massive rockfalls, severing critical civilian and military supply lines along the Khardali road.
• Mid-Day Strikes: Enemy fighter jets executed low-altitude bombing runs over the Tyre district, striking the town of Mansouri with sequential high-explosive ordnance. Additional airstrikes simultaneously struck the outskirts of Nabatieh al-Fawqa.
• Afternoon Demolitions & Artillery Enfilade: Enemy heavy artillery batteries opened concentrated suppressive fire on the Ali al-Taher hill and Wadi al-Hujeir. Ground forces initiated secondary demolition operations in the Bint Jbeil sector near Baraachit, alongside sustained artillery strikes near Mansouri, leveling public educational facilities and residential housing blocks.
Ordnance & Ammunition Profiles
• Precision-Guided Munitions (PGMs): Enemy warplanes deployed heavy, air-delivered joint direct attack munitions (JDAMs) and anti-fortification glide bombs to target multi-story structures and fortified public facilities in Mansouri and Nabatieh.
• Controlled Heavy Explosives: High-yield military demolition charges were set and detonated by enemy ground forces to systematically collapse key ridgelines, strategic hilltops, and structural edifices in Baraachit and Ali al-Taher.
• Heavy Field Artillery: 155mm high-explosive artillery shells were deployed in concentrated barrages across the Wadi al-Hujeir corridor and peripheral hill positions to deny movement and clear sightlines.
Damage Assessment & Casualties
• Human Losses: Explosive demolitions and air bombardment across the Tyre, Bint Jbeil, and Nabatieh districts resulted in civilian casualties, destroyed residential properties, and damaged civil defense capacity. Rescue units faced localized delays due to obstructed transit routes.
• Infrastructure & Tactical Damage: Enemy strikes demolished the public school in Mansouri and leveled adjacent residential sectors. The strategic transit corridor along the Khardali road was rendered entirely impassable due to deliberate destabilization of the Ali al-Taher ridge, obstructing logistics across the Marjayoun sector.
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Southern Lebanon | September 2026
In just four days, seven women and girls were killed in Israeli airstrikes in southern Lebanon, targeting homes and residential areas:
▪️ Maryam Salameh – Mifdoun | September 4
A young woman who had recently graduated from school and was preparing to begin university.
▪️ Isra’ Bahja – Arab Salim | September 6
A teacher and educator who was preparing to welcome her students at the beginning of the new academic year.
▪️ Basima Hassan – Arab Salim | September 6
A mother of three and the daughter of martyr Haidar Hassan.
▪️ Hiba Ali Sabah – Kfar Rumman | September 7
A graduate of the Faculty of Science and an employee at the Ministry of Labor, known for her competence and dedication to serving citizens.
▪️ Zahraa Ayyoub – Kfar Rumman | September 7
A municipal employee who served the people of her town and followed up on their affairs.
▪️ Fatima Hassan Farhat – Kfar Rumman | September 7
Killed alongside her mother, Hiba Sabah.
▪️ Maryam Hussein Farhat – Kfar Rumman | September 7
A child among the victims of the massacre, which also claimed the lives of several other civilians.
In Kfar Rumman, Hiba Sabah’s two children survived the massacre but sustained severe injuries and were reported to be in critical condition.
THE POLITICAL INDICATOR
The issue is not simply the number of victims.
The issue is who is allowed to be a victim worthy of solidarity, and who is excluded from the human-rights narrative.
While images and stories of the women killed circulated across social media, a striking silence emerged from segments of the feminist discourse, according to the report’s authors, regarding the targeting of women and civilians in the south.
This raises a direct political and moral question:
Are women’s rights a universal principle, or a selective discourse determined by the victim’s identity and political and geographic position?
If the killing of women and violence against civilians in wartime constitute crimes, the characterization of those crimes should not change according to the identity of the perpetrator or the political affiliation of the victim.
And if protecting women is a principle, southern Lebanese women are not an exception.
THE BOTTOM LINE
The most dangerous outcome for the cause of women’s rights is for it to be transformed from a human-rights principle into an instrument of political alignment.
The right to life does not require an acceptable political identity.
A civilian does not cease to be a civilian because she lives in the south.
And a woman does not become less deserving of protection because she does not belong to the political camp favored by certain rights-based narratives.
The real test of any discourse on women’s rights is not when the victim “looks like us,” but when the victim is different from us.
Seven women in one week.
The question is not only: Who killed them?
It is also:
Why are their voices not being heard with the same force?
🖋 Prepared by: Bushra Hammoud & Hiba Ali
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The Observer
Southern Saudi Arabia | 13th of September 2026
New satellite imagery indicates extensive damage to an Aramco oil facility in Abha following attacks claimed by Yemen’s Houthi movement.
The imagery reportedly shows:
▪️ At least 6 oil-storage tanks completely destroyed
▪️ 8 additional tanks damaged to varying degrees
▪️ Damage concentrated across the facility, with destruction severe enough to indicate that the installation is likely out of service
STRATEGIC ASSESSMENT
This is not a symbolic strike.
The reported destruction of multiple storage tanks represents a direct hit on Saudi Arabia’s energy infrastructure and operational resilience.
For Riyadh, the vulnerability is significant: fixed petroleum infrastructure is difficult to conceal, difficult to rapidly replace, and dependent on interconnected storage, processing and distribution networks.
For Ansar Allah, the strikes demonstrate the continuing ability to reach strategically important Saudi targets despite the kingdom’s extensive air-defense architecture and foreign military support.
Saudi Arabia has spent heavily on Western weapons and security systems while continuing its campaign against Yemen. The damage at Abha exposes the limits of that investment when faced with a determined adversary capable of sustaining long-range strike pressure.
The battlefield message is straightforward: Saudi infrastructure remains exposed, and military superiority on paper does not guarantee immunity on the ground.
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In a scene reflecting what critics describe as the height of imperial arrogance, U.S. President Donald Trump has demanded that Afghanistan return the military equipment and weapons left behind by U.S. forces during their humiliating withdrawal in 2021. The abandoned equipment is estimated to be worth around $7.1 billion, with Washington arguing that
“the American people paid for it.”
The Afghan response came as a direct rejection of Washington’s demand.
Afghan Foreign Ministry spokesman Abdul Qahar Balkhi categorically rejected the request, stating that the equipment has become the property of the Afghan state and is not subject to negotiation.
When Balkhi was reminded of the U.S. argument, he responded with a pointed counterargument:
“The United States killed huge numbers of people, the vast majority of them civilians, and destroyed most of the country. Shouldn’t it pay for those crimes first?”
UPDATE | DEVELOPMENTS
Reports indicate that the Afghan government views the abandoned military equipment, including tens of thousands of vehicles and advanced weapons systems, as “war spoils” and a limited form of compensation for two decades of occupation and extensive destruction.
Despite reported attempts by Washington to exert pressure, including through Afghanistan’s frozen assets and possible conditions linked to normalization, Kabul has reportedly closed the issue, maintaining that the equipment is now a core component of Afghanistan’s military arsenal.
Sources: CBS News / Azerbaijani news agency Axar.az
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