🔴 12 Western Countries Announce Plans to Impose a Trade Ban on Illegal Israeli Settlements

In an unprecedented move, 12 Western countries announced in a joint statement their intention to impose national restrictions and bans on the import and trade of goods and products manufactured in Israeli settlements established in the occupied West Bank.

The countries that signed the statement:

🇫🇷 France | 🇬🇧 United Kingdom | 🇨🇦 Canada | 🇩🇰 Denmark | 🇪🇸 Spain | 🇫🇮 Finland | 🇮🇪 Ireland | 🇮🇸 Iceland | 🇳🇴 Norway | 🇵🇱 Poland | 🇵🇹 Portugal | 🇸🇪 Sweden

✏️ Key Points of the Statement:

• Confronting settlement expansion: The countries described the escalation of settler violence and the expansion of settlements—particularly the E1 project—as “unacceptable,” warning that they constitute a destructive obstacle to the two-state solution and violate the principles of international law.

• Practical measures: The participating countries confirmed that they are moving to activate mechanisms for directly banning or restricting trade in products originating from these settlements, which are considered illegal under international law.


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🔵 Iranian IRGC Navy Intercepts an Advanced Smart Unmanned U.S. Military Submersible

📍 Strait of Hormuz

The Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Navy announced in an official statement that it had intercepted a highly advanced, smart unmanned submarine (uncrewed) belonging to the U.S. military at the entrance to the Strait of Hormuz.

According to the IRGC statement, the operation was carried out at dawn today through a complex maneuver based on the intelligence and operational superiority of its naval forces.

The advanced underwater vehicle, now reportedly under Iranian control as a captured asset, is equipped with cutting-edge technology and was delivered to the U.S. Navy fleet in 2025.

The IRGC announced that photographs and video footage of the intercepted submarine would be released in the coming hours.

📌 Technical Specifications and Capabilities of the Dive-LD

The advanced system is known as Dive-LD, a large autonomous underwater vehicle (AUV). The first unit was delivered in April 2025 to the U.S. Navy’s Unmanned Undersea Vehicle Squadron 1 (UUVRON-1).

📌 Key Technical and Operational Features:

• Dimensions and weight: Approximately 5.8 meters long and weighing around 3 tons.

• Underwater endurance: Capable of operating autonomously underwater for up to 10 days.

• Operational depth: Capable of reaching depths of up to 6,000 meters.

• Modular design: Uses components manufactured through 3D printing, allowing different sensors and mission-specific payloads to be installed quickly and easily.

🗒 Primary Missions of the Dive-LD

The Dive-LD was designed to conduct long-duration autonomous missions in deep waters, including:

• Underwater reconnaissance and surveillance, as well as seafloor mapping.

• Mine detection and inspection of undersea cables and offshore oil and gas pipelines.

• Supporting submarine warfare and transmitting strategic information.

Further details and images of the incident are expected to be released by official authorities in the coming hours.


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🔴The U.S. Midterms: A Political Breakdown of Washington’s Growing Crisis


With the November 2026 U.S. midterm elections approaching, forecasting models give Democrats over an 80% chance of winning back control of the House of Representatives. At the same time, public frustration is mounting, with approval ratings showing that nearly 73% of Americans are dissatisfied with President Donald Trump’s policies and priorities.
From a political standpoint, these figures point to a much deeper shift in the American electorate:

🔹Domestic Backlash Against Economic Policies: Rising living costs, sweeping tariffs, and domestic spending cuts are directly hurting everyday working-class families. For many voters, the administration's promises are clashing sharply with their day-to-day economic reality.

🔹Public Rejection of Unconditional Foreign Support: A growing portion of the American electorate is turning against foreign entanglements and costly overseas commitments—including military and financial backing for allies like the Israeli occupation—demanding instead that taxpayer money be spent at home.

🔹Upcoming Legislative Gridlock: If Democrats retake Congress, the White House will face immediate political paralyzation. A divided government will severely limit the president’s ability to pass domestic legislation, approve foreign aid packages, or enforce aggressive international sanctions.

🔴Political Summary: The deep political division inside the United States highlights the limits of current U.S. governance. When a government loses the trust of its voters over economic pressures and foreign policy decisions, its political leverage—both at home and on the global stage—is fundamentally weakened.


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🔴 Missile Attacks Target U.S. Bases in Jordan Amid Reports of Commercial Ship Strike

In a simultaneous escalation on the ground, media reports indicated several security developments involving Iran’s coastal waters and the vicinity of Jordan:

• Iranian Commercial Ship Targeted: Iran’s state broadcaster reported that an Iranian commercial vessel came under attack by U.S. forces in the coastal waters off the city of Jask, overlooking the Gulf of Oman.

• Missile Attack on U.S. Bases: Unofficial and Arab sources reported that approximately 20 missiles were launched toward U.S. military bases in Jordan, specifically Muwaffaq Salti Air Base and Prince Hassan Air Base, with multiple explosions reportedly heard in the surrounding areas.

• Sounds Reportedly Heard Toward Eilat: Reports also indicated that explosions were heard in the Eilat area in southern occupied Palestine, as monitoring of the evolving situation continues.

🔴 The Second Nabatieh Appeal: From Confronting the Occupation to Putting the Resistance on Trial?

✍🏻 Dr Tanios Chahine

The “Second Nabatieh Appeal” calls for protecting Nabatieh, deploying the Lebanese Army and security forces, restoring the state’s role, and placing the decision of war and peace exclusively in the hands of official institutions. These are legitimate demands—especially when the South is facing Israeli aggression, destruction, occupation, and displacement.

But the problem begins with how responsibility is distributed.

After assigning Israel responsibility for the aggression, the appeal shifts toward holding the Resistance and its military decisions partly responsible for the situation in the South. By placing the “de facto forces and the enemy” within the same framework, it risks transforming a conflict with an occupying power into an internal Lebanese dispute over weapons and decision-making.

That distinction matters.

Israel is an occupying power, not another “de facto force.” It possesses overwhelming military superiority and makes its own political and military decisions. Occupation cannot simply be explained as the consequence of the existence of the Resistance or the absence of the state.

The same applies to the argument that Lebanon must “remove the enemy’s pretexts.” The burden cannot be shifted onto the occupied population to behave differently so that the aggressor will stop attacking. Israel has repeatedly demonstrated that its strategic objectives cannot be reduced to whatever justification it presents for a particular operation.

The appeal also raises the issue of the Ali al-Taher Hills as though transferring such positions to the Army would necessarily have prevented their occupation. That assumption ignores what happened to positions previously handed over to the Lebanese Army, where Israeli forces subsequently compelled the Army to withdraw and occupied and destroyed the area.

The fundamental question, therefore, is not simply “Why didn’t the Resistance hand over the land?” It is also “Why did Israel occupy it?”

Calling for the state to assume responsibility is legitimate. But sovereignty requires more than monopolizing the decision of war and peace. It requires political independence, military capability, deterrence, and the capacity to defend Lebanese territory.

Otherwise, “restoring the state” risks becoming a slogan for removing the Resistance’s ability to act without providing a credible alternative for confronting an occupying power.

The Resistance can—and should—be debated and held accountable for its choices. But its responsibility cannot be placed on the same scale as that of the occupying power.

Saving Nabatieh requires confronting the occupation, scrutinizing the political authority, and debating the Resistance—without confusing their fundamentally different responsibilities.

Otherwise, the debate quietly shifts from holding the occupier accountable to putting the Resistance on trial.


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🔴 “The Second Nabatieh Appeal”: Civil Mobilization or a Cover for Dismantling the Resistance?

In a scene that appears to reproduce familiar scenarios targeting the Resistance, the “Second Nabatieh Appeal” presents itself as a civic outcry. Yet, to those familiar with the dynamics of Lebanese politics, the threads of the game appear increasingly visible.

The Story from the Beginning

On May 29, 2026, a group of activists launched the first “Nabatieh Appeal,” warning that the war was reaching the city. The second appeal followed on September 7, 2026, signed by more than 400 people, after Israeli airstrikes on Nabatieh and its surrounding areas intensified, forcing some residents to flee.

The appeal carried a dramatic title:

“Save the Capital of Jabal Amel and Its Historic Metropolis!”

It called for the deployment of the Lebanese Army in the city, for the state to assume responsibility for its security, and for decisions of war and peace to be placed exclusively in the hands of its legitimate institutions.

How Did the Alleged Plot Take Shape?

What stands out is that, despite formally addressing the state and Israel, the appeal appears to focus overwhelmingly on one particular side.

More than three-quarters of its content, according to this reading, is devoted to holding Hezbollah responsible, portraying it as the primary cause of the destruction while overlooking the immediate aggressor: the Israeli occupation that is destroying, bombing and uprooting communities.

The timing is also significant. The appeal emerged when Hezbollah had been under severe pressure after years of war, while Israel was intensifying its military campaign against southern Lebanon.

Rather than presenting itself primarily as a call to unite against the enemy, the appeal can therefore be interpreted as a political blow against the Resistance under a humanitarian cover.

🖊 Who Signed It—and Who Was Behind It?

Media reports identified the signatories as a mixture of civil and political figures, including lawyer Ali Murad and activist Mirna Beshara, who spoke about an “announced loss” and growing exhaustion with the “victory narrative.”

The appeal also received political support from the Kataeb Party and MP Ashraf Rifi, both known for their opposition to Hezbollah.

The deeper issue, however, is whether this movement has a broader political agenda: who organized it, who financed it, and why was it launched at this particular moment?

Its timing coincided with domestic and external campaigns critical of the Resistance, while the Lebanese government remained largely absent from any effective effort to protect the South. This creates the perception that the suffering of civilians is being transformed into political pressure against Hezbollah.

🔴 The Lebanese Government: Spectator or Complicit?

Instead of becoming an active partner in protecting Nabatieh, the Lebanese government has limited itself to increasing Army patrols as a form of reassurance, while key areas such as the Ali al-Taher Hills remain outside effective Army control, allowing the occupation to consolidate its position there.

The Army is present, but it does not prevent the advance. The government issues statements, but fails to act decisively.

The result is a dangerous political equation in which the state appears ready to tell Hezbollah: “You are responsible, and we are here to replace you.”

The protection of southern Lebanon then risks becoming a matter of political bargaining rather than a constitutional responsibility.

❓ What Do the Signatories Really Want?

According to this critical reading, the appeal seeks not only to save Nabatieh, but also to:

🔻 Strip the Resistance of its defensive legitimacy.

🔻 Promote the narrative that Hezbollah, rather than the Israeli occupation, is responsible for the destruction.

🔻 Push residents to turn against Hezbollah under the pressure of displacement and fear.

🔻 Encourage the state to establish itself as an alternative to the Resistance.

In other words: because Israel bombed and destroyed, the blame is placed on those who fought back—not on those who occupied.

The appeal offers no clear answer to the central security question: How would the Lebanese Army confront Israeli forces if they entered the city? Nor does it adequately address the state’s longstanding failure to provide effective protection for southern Lebanon.

Instead, the message is reduced to: “You are responsible.”

The “Second Nabatieh Appeal,” from this perspective, risks serving an Israeli objective of stripping the South of its Resistance, while simultaneously allowing the Lebanese government to evade responsibility for defending it.

And Nabatieh will remain under threat as long as its suffering is treated as a political bargaining chip rather than as the fate of a city that deserves protection—not merely through statements and petitions, but through a credible strategy capable of confronting the occupying force.


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🔴 Iraqi Judiciary: From Neutrality to Alignment in the Axis–Alliance Conflict

📍 Baghdad

Iraqi Supreme Judicial Council President Faiq Zidan chaired a security and judicial meeting to establish a unified position on the cases of foreign detainees and convicted individuals transferred from Syria to Iraq.

The meeting agreed to handle each case in accordance with bilateral agreements, Iraqi law, and the principle of reciprocity.

It was also decided that the National Center for International Judicial Cooperation would examine any international assistance initiatives.

❓ What does this mean?

The new judicial approach reflects greater openness to international coordination while maintaining, at least formally, the principle of judicial sovereignty.

However, it also carries a clear political message: Iraq appears increasingly prepared to engage with Western-led legal mechanisms for managing the cases of Syrian and foreign alleged terrorists, potentially within broader political and economic arrangements.

❌ Double Standards: Between Strictness and Flexibility

Faiq Zidan’s recent moves point to a significant shift:

• Position toward the “Resistance”: The Iraqi judiciary issued harsh sentences of up to 15 years in prison against Popular Mobilization Forces members accused of targeting the U.S. Embassy, invoking Article 4 of the Anti-Terrorism Law.

This is notable compared with previous years, when convictions involving PMF factions were relatively rare or difficult to enforce.

• Position toward Syrian detainees: Their cases are being handled through a regulated international mechanism, suggesting that the Iraqi judiciary is becoming part of broader regional arrangements involving Western powers and forces opposed to the Resistance.

• Flexibility toward al-Jolani and Trump: By contrast, Zidan has met with al-Jolani in Damascus to discuss “judicial cooperation,” despite the outstanding in-absentia death sentence against him.

Likewise, the arrest warrant for Donald Trump is no longer raised in meetings with U.S. envoy Tom Barrack, who has increasingly become a regular visitor to the Judicial Council.

This contrast points to a broader strategic transformation: the Iraqi judiciary appears to be moving from its role as a “safety valve” toward becoming an instrument of political accommodation with Washington, placing the judiciary increasingly at the center of Iraq’s wider geopolitical struggle.


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