On November 22, 1943, the Lebanese Republic was born with independence from the French Mandate, carrying the promise of full sovereignty and freedom. This date became a symbol of a unified nation under the principle of “Neither Eastern nor Western.” Yet this glory quickly began to erode under the weight of internal division and foreign intervention, leading to today’s reality—what many describe as a mere symbolic independence, devoid of genuine sovereignty.
The First Israeli Invasion: A Warning of Crisis (1978)
The actual collapse of Lebanese sovereignty began with the deterioration of security and, specifically, with direct Israeli intervention. In March 1978, Israel launched “Operation Litani” in response to a Palestinian operation, invading South Lebanon up to the Litani River. This first invasion was a dangerous indicator of the Lebanese state’s weakness and inability to protect its borders. Despite UN Security Council Resolution 425 demanding immediate Israeli withdrawal, the occupation entrenched itself and began establishing the so-called “security belt” through local proxies.
The Major Invasion and Occupation (1982–2000)
On June 6, 1982, Israel crossed all boundaries, launching “Operation Peace for Galilee.” This invasion was a full-scale assault that went beyond the south, reaching the capital Beirut, besieging it, and causing massive destruction. This time, it was not just a military incursion but an occupation of the national decision-making center. Amid the state’s collapse, the Lebanese national resistance was born as a natural and existential response. The resistance confronted this occupation by all means, believing that the duty to defend the land does not vanish with government negligence.
Resistance Victories (Hezbollah) and Liberation History
• Partial Withdrawal (1985):
Resistance strikes forced Israeli forces to withdraw from Beirut, most of Mount Lebanon, Sidon, and Nabatieh, though they maintained control over the occupied border strip known as the “security belt.”
• The Great Liberation (May 25, 2000):
This moment stands as the most prominent in modern resistance history. Under mounting pressure and strategic attacks, the occupation collapsed suddenly, and Israeli forces and their collaborators withdrew completely from South Lebanon. This victory was a national achievement that restored the land and renewed Lebanese confidence in their ability to defeat occupation through force.
July War 2006: Strategic Deterrence
After liberation, Israel sought to reimpose deterrence and control. In July 2006, it launched a wide-scale aggression on Lebanon that lasted 33 days, aiming to destroy Hezbollah’s infrastructure and impose a new security order.
• The Divine Victory (July Victory):
The resistance succeeded in enduring and inflicting unprecedented losses on the Israeli army, forcing it to accept a ceasefire under UN Security Council Resolution 1701 on August 14, 2006. This victory was not only military but also established a new strategic deterrence equation, protecting Lebanon from full-scale aggression for over a decade and proving that resistance was the only force capable of imposing Lebanon’s will against Israel.
The Current Situation: Division and New Complexity
Today, the situation has changed. After the 2006 victory and the establishment of deterrence, the battle shifted from direct military occupation to wars of economic, media, and political influence. Continuous efforts aim to isolate the resistance and dismantle its supportive environment.
1. Estrangement from Sovereignty:
American and foreign delegations continue to dictate terms, threaten sanctions and escalation (as seen recently with border tensions), and even insult Lebanese journalists as “animals” and the Lebanese people as “savages.
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The Observer
” These foreign powers tie reconstruction, financial aid, and even currency stability to political conditions designed to strip Lebanon of resistance power or push it toward normalization through projects like the “Abraham Accords.” All this occurs without any objection from the Lebanese state!
2. Internal Demonization and Polarization:
Sadly, the media and political scene are drowning in systematic campaigns against Hezbollah, which sacrificed blood and lives to protect Lebanon. Sectarian and political diversity is exploited to create sharp divisions, portraying resistance as an “internal enemy,” while it has been the protective shield for all. Malicious sectarian campaigns now attempt to diminish the value of the Shiite community.
3. Corruption as a Tool of Domination:
Corruption is no longer just an internal problem but has become a tool in foreign hands to blackmail Lebanese decision-making. A government of division and clientelism remains paralyzed and guilty—not only for leaving its people in poverty but also for opening the doors wide to foreign domination.
4. The Support War (2023–2024): The Latest Price of Sovereignty
Since October 2023, Lebanon entered a new phase of confrontation on the southern border, known as the “Support War,” in solidarity with Gaza. This limited clash heavily drained the south. Border villages—primarily the resistance’s environment (Hezbollah, Lebanon’s Shiites)—bore the brunt of daily, deliberate bombardment, leading to the displacement of tens of thousands, the destruction of hundreds of homes, and systematic annihilation of farmland and livestock. The price was devastating: countless human and material losses. Yet the Lebanese state, represented by a divided government, showed no serious effort to plan national compensation or reconstruction. Citizens who paid the price of defending the homeland were abandoned, confirming once again the nature of Lebanon’s “symbolic independence,” where resistance defends the borders while those who sacrifice are left without support or recognition.
Toward Restoring True Sovereignty
Anger alone is not enough; it must transform into action that matches the sacrifices:
• National Unity on Fundamentals: Lebanon’s salvation lies in unity that recognizes resistance as a national defensive force. It cannot be left alone against the enemy. National decision-making must unite around protecting the south and rejecting foreign dictates.
• Radical Reform to Block Blackmail: End the system of corruption and clientelism that has made Lebanese decisions hostage to foreign powers. A strong state cannot be built on pervasive corruption.
• Reject Conditional Reconstruction: Rebuilding the south must be an independent national plan, rejecting American and Israeli conditions that exploit war destruction for political goals.
• Responsible National Media: Counter campaigns that demonize defenders of the homeland, and highlight the historical truth of sacrifices made by the people of the south, Bekaa, and Dahieh.
• Revitalize State Institutions: Institutions must reclaim their role to fill the vacuum, so resistance remains a deterrent force while the state provides the political and constitutional cover.
Conclusion
Lebanon, born free in 1943, now faces its toughest test. True independence is not a mere anniversary celebrated with flags but a daily act requiring unified national will. The sacrifices and blood shed in 1978, 1982, 2000, and 2006 placed Lebanon in a position of strength unseen in decades. Unless this strength is translated into internal unity and absolute refusal to submit, Lebanon will remain captive to internal division and foreign domination, squandering the fruits of the “Divine Victory.”
🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
2. Internal Demonization and Polarization:
Sadly, the media and political scene are drowning in systematic campaigns against Hezbollah, which sacrificed blood and lives to protect Lebanon. Sectarian and political diversity is exploited to create sharp divisions, portraying resistance as an “internal enemy,” while it has been the protective shield for all. Malicious sectarian campaigns now attempt to diminish the value of the Shiite community.
3. Corruption as a Tool of Domination:
Corruption is no longer just an internal problem but has become a tool in foreign hands to blackmail Lebanese decision-making. A government of division and clientelism remains paralyzed and guilty—not only for leaving its people in poverty but also for opening the doors wide to foreign domination.
4. The Support War (2023–2024): The Latest Price of Sovereignty
Since October 2023, Lebanon entered a new phase of confrontation on the southern border, known as the “Support War,” in solidarity with Gaza. This limited clash heavily drained the south. Border villages—primarily the resistance’s environment (Hezbollah, Lebanon’s Shiites)—bore the brunt of daily, deliberate bombardment, leading to the displacement of tens of thousands, the destruction of hundreds of homes, and systematic annihilation of farmland and livestock. The price was devastating: countless human and material losses. Yet the Lebanese state, represented by a divided government, showed no serious effort to plan national compensation or reconstruction. Citizens who paid the price of defending the homeland were abandoned, confirming once again the nature of Lebanon’s “symbolic independence,” where resistance defends the borders while those who sacrifice are left without support or recognition.
Toward Restoring True Sovereignty
Anger alone is not enough; it must transform into action that matches the sacrifices:
• National Unity on Fundamentals: Lebanon’s salvation lies in unity that recognizes resistance as a national defensive force. It cannot be left alone against the enemy. National decision-making must unite around protecting the south and rejecting foreign dictates.
• Radical Reform to Block Blackmail: End the system of corruption and clientelism that has made Lebanese decisions hostage to foreign powers. A strong state cannot be built on pervasive corruption.
• Reject Conditional Reconstruction: Rebuilding the south must be an independent national plan, rejecting American and Israeli conditions that exploit war destruction for political goals.
• Responsible National Media: Counter campaigns that demonize defenders of the homeland, and highlight the historical truth of sacrifices made by the people of the south, Bekaa, and Dahieh.
• Revitalize State Institutions: Institutions must reclaim their role to fill the vacuum, so resistance remains a deterrent force while the state provides the political and constitutional cover.
Conclusion
Lebanon, born free in 1943, now faces its toughest test. True independence is not a mere anniversary celebrated with flags but a daily act requiring unified national will. The sacrifices and blood shed in 1978, 1982, 2000, and 2006 placed Lebanon in a position of strength unseen in decades. Unless this strength is translated into internal unity and absolute refusal to submit, Lebanon will remain captive to internal division and foreign domination, squandering the fruits of the “Divine Victory.”
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In the Name of God, the Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate
“Among the believers are men who have been true to their covenant with God; some of them have fulfilled their vow, and some are still waiting, but they have never changed in the least.”
With pride and honor, Hezbollah announces to the people of the Resistance and to our Lebanese nation the martyrdom of the great jihadi commander Haitham Ali al-Tabtabai (Sayyid Abu Ali), who rose as a martyr in sacrifice for Lebanon and its people following a treacherous Israeli aggression on the Haret Hreik area in Beirut’s southern suburb.
The great commander has joined his fellow martyrs after a long anticipation of meeting God Almighty, following a life filled with jihad, truthfulness, sincerity, and steadfastness on the path of resistance, working tirelessly against the Israeli enemy until the very last moment of his blessed life. He never knew fatigue or weariness in defending his land and people. He dedicated his life to the Resistance since its inception and was among the leaders who laid its foundational pillars so that it would remain strong, dignified, and capable of safeguarding the nation and achieving victories.
God has honored him with the lofty medal of martyrdom. His great sacrifice will inspire hope, determination, and strength in his fellow fighters, and reinforce their resolve to continue the path. Just as he was in life a source of strength and inspiration, so too will his pure blood, carried by the fighters along with the blood of all the martyred leaders, propel them forward with steadfastness and courage to thwart all the projects of the Zionist enemy and its patron, America.
We extend condolences and congratulations to our Master, the Imam of the Age (may God hasten his reappearance), to his fellow fighters and resistors, to the steadfast and patient Resistance community, and to all the free people of the world on the martyrdom of this great jihadi commander and his companions who rose with him. We also extend our sympathies to their noble families, asking God Almighty to grant them patience and solace, and to the wounded a speedy recovery.
Sunday, 23-11-2025
2 Jumada al-Akhirah 1447 AH
#Military_Media
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Haitham Ali al-Tabtabai's journey is the history of the Resistance itself. Born in 1968, he was a foundational pillar of the Islamic Resistance, rising through the ranks since its inception in the 1980s. His record is one of relentless confrontation with the occupiers:
He served as the Chief of Operations for the Islamic Resistance.
The Israeli military (IDF) celebrated this murder with grotesque arrogance, dubbing it "Black Friday" and calling al-Tabtabai the "Chief of Staff of the terrorist Hezbollah." This cynical, self-congratulatory naming convention attempts to frame the assassination as a bargain-basement purchase of a "last-season good," oblivious to the fact that such arrogance only invites a crushing response.
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The Observer
It aims to cripple the movement’s ability to rearm and reorganize. However, the defiance of the Dahiyeh’s people—who refuse to leave their shattered homes—proves this tactic is futile. The Resistance has demonstrated an infinite capacity for resilience and replacement.
The consensus from the street and the history of the Resistance is clear: there will be a reaction. The Resistance does not allow the blood of its leaders, especially one of this magnitude, to go unanswered. The method and timing of the response will be calculated and strategic, chosen to maximize the impact on the Zionist occupation while navigating the high-stakes risk of full-blown war. The enemy's "Black Friday" may soon become a very long, dark week for the occupation leadership. The resilience of the Dahiyeh, as its people assert—"We are staying... with the Resistance until the Hour comes"—is the true, unbreakable strategic counter-weapon.
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Book :
Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence ( A Concise History )
By :
Steven Ward
Year : 2024
Preview :
Despite Iran’s permanent status as ‘pariah’ on the world stage, with all the attendant media coverage and public discussion, focus more often than not remains on the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and its activities and objectives. Little is said of the regime’s own Ministry of Intelligence (MOIS), is to the detriment of a serious analysis of the regime’s capabilities and strategy. Steven Ward, a former CIA officer, gives an intelligence-eye view of this understudied organisation. A good book to see the western perspective of Iran’s MOIS .
🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence ( A Concise History )
By :
Steven Ward
Year : 2024
Preview :
Despite Iran’s permanent status as ‘pariah’ on the world stage, with all the attendant media coverage and public discussion, focus more often than not remains on the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and its activities and objectives. Little is said of the regime’s own Ministry of Intelligence (MOIS), is to the detriment of a serious analysis of the regime’s capabilities and strategy. Steven Ward, a former CIA officer, gives an intelligence-eye view of this understudied organisation. A good book to see the western perspective of Iran’s MOIS .
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The original Arab Peace Initiative demanded that normalization follow a just resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Abraham Accords, however, flipped that paradigm, prioritizing bilateral security and economic gains over the rights of an occupied people. If Saudi Arabia, the guardian of the Two Holy Mosques, throws its immense weight behind normalization now, it will fatally undermine the core principle of pan-Arab solidarity. MBS's condition is a meaningless gesture, designed to provide domestic and regional cover while his kingdom plunges a political dagger into the heart of the Palestinian national project.
First, the F-35s. While Trump boasted that the Saudis would get the same model as Israel’s—rejecting the idea of "reduced caliber" jets—the reality is dictated by Israel’s “Qualitative Military Edge” (QME). Israel is demanding, and will almost certainly receive, technological or operational concessions to ensure its perpetual aerial superiority. This is a deal conditional on Israeli demands, proving Riyadh is buying a second-rate capability while Israel retains the veto.
Second, the MNNA status. It sounds impressive, but it is a hollow title. A Major Non-NATO Ally receives military perks—easier access to equipment, training, and defense industry deals—but crucially, it receives no mutual defense guarantee. This is the core of the cynical transaction: the US gets a "Strategic Defense Agreement" that secures new Saudi burden-sharing funds, streamlines access for U.S. defense firms, and makes Riyadh a closer customer and partner for American logistics.
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The Observer
This $1 trillion commitment is nearly the entire value of the Saudi sovereign wealth fund (PIF) and almost equals the kingdom’s entire annual GDP. This money is the future of Saudi Arabia, yet it is being gifted to prop up the American economy, create American jobs, and enrich American CEOs.
Meanwhile, at home, his signature project, NEOM, stands as a monstrous monument to hubris and waste. The project has not simply "failed"—it has been an economic and human rights catastrophe. Initial budget estimates of $500 billion have reportedly ballooned, with internal audits warning the cost could reach an unbelievable $8.8 TRILLION and take until 2045 or even 2080 to complete. The ambitious "Line" has been severely scaled back, its timeline repeatedly shattered. The desert is not being graced by a city of the future; it is being littered with the ghosts of an impossible dream, fueled by the money that should be rebuilding Gaza, addressing domestic poverty, and securing a sustainable future for Saudi youth.
This trip was a moral disaster. The Crown Prince bought prestige, security crumbs, and political rehabilitation at a cost the Saudi people—and the Palestinians—will be paying for decades to come.
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Yesterday: Pro-government protesters in Tartous attempt to tear down the statue of anti-colonial resistance leader Sheikh Saleh al-Ali.
The Impending Purge: Joulani’s Regime Wages a Systematic Campaign of Violence Against Syrian Minorities
The transfer of power in Syria to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), led by Ahmed al-Joulani, in late 2024, marked the beginning of an intensive and systematic period of brutality targeting the country’s Alawite and Shia minorities. These groups, long associated with the former Assad regime, now face a government-led campaign of retribution and attacks by tribal militias, particularly in Alawite areas characterized by extreme poverty.
It must be noted here that this "association" with the regime was mostly confined to the ruling elite, as the vast majority of Alawites live in abject poverty and lead very simple lives. This contradicts the claims that they all enjoyed influence or benefited from the former regime. This harsh reality makes them doubly vulnerable to attacks in the coastal and rural areas, such as Homs, Latakia, and Tartous, threatening their historic presence.
Systematic Persecution and Documented Atrocities:
The Joulani regime, which claims fear of the influence of Shia groups allied with Iran and Hezbollah, has launched brutal campaigns based on accusations of allegiance to the former government and foreign-backed forces.
This systematic aggression is characterized by several documented atrocities:
* Mass Killings and Displacement: The violence, particularly concentrated in areas with poor Alawite communities, has resulted in dozens of deaths and mass displacement. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights has provided details on the scale of these attacks, highlighting that state-backed tribal militias are the primary perpetrators.
* Targeting Cultural Heritage: The regime’s hostile stance extends to authentic Syrian heritage linked to minority groups. Footage has shown pro-government demonstrators in Tartous attempting to demolish the statue of Sheikh Saleh al-Ali, a historic symbol of Syrian resistance to imperialism, clearly indicating the targeting of minority cultural figures. This follows reports that Joulani's militias have also stormed Shia shrines, such as the shrines of Sayyida Zeinab and Ruqayyah.
* Ethnic Cleansing and Refugee Crisis: These acts constitute campaigns of mass killings, arbitrary arrests, and ethnic cleansing. Consequently, thousands of Alawites have been forced to flee their homes and seek refuge in Lebanon, relying on essential humanitarian aid from organizations such as the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the Lebanese Red Cross, and Doctors Without Borders (MSF).
Risk of Regional Contagion and the Disparity in International Response
The brutal acts committed against minorities threaten to plunge Syria into a deeper, long-lasting sectarian battlefield. This violence threatens to spread across the entire region, destroying the lives of many innocent people and entrenching sectarian conflict throughout the Levant.
A stark comparison can be made between the fate of the Alawites and what happened to other components in the region. For example, when the Druze minority faced pressure from extremist groups, there was effective regional and international intervention: Israel stepped in, and France played a role in intervention and pressure, which ultimately led to Joulani withdrawing his militias from the area. This sharp contrast in response highlights the appalling inaction that allowed the campaign against the Alawites and Shia to continue.
The Joulani regime is already threatening neighboring Lebanon with similar campaigns against its Shia population. This threat is compounded by the alleged geopolitical coordination: the regime is accused of working in tacit coordination with Israel, which views Iran-allied Shia factions, such as Hezbollah, as existential threats.
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The Observer
Yesterday: Pro-government protesters in Tartous attempt to tear down the statue of anti-colonial resistance leader Sheikh Saleh al-Ali. The Impending Purge: Joulani’s Regime Wages a Systematic Campaign of Violence Against Syrian Minorities The transfer…
This forms a grim coalition in which Western powers, Israel, and some Arab states appear willing to sacrifice minority rights in Syria to contain Iranian influence, effectively plotting ethno-religious cleansing through forced exoduses and weakening the centuries-old Shia and Alawite presence.
International Inaction and the Call for Protection
Despite urgent appeals to the United Nations and the international community, the global response remains muted, allowing the Joulani regime to continue its actions unchecked.
The Alawite Council has issued a unified call for protest and protection following the new attacks.
To halt this escalating crisis, the global community must:
* Respond to the Alawite Council’s pleas for protection.
* Implement sanctions targeting Joulani’s militia networks.
* Pressure Israel to end any covert collaboration that enables destabilization.
* Intensify humanitarian operations and document war crimes for international prosecution.
The right of Syrian Alawites and Shias to live freely and peacefully in their homeland, without fear of extermination or displacement by sectarian extremists and their foreign collaborators, is undeniable.
🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
International Inaction and the Call for Protection
Despite urgent appeals to the United Nations and the international community, the global response remains muted, allowing the Joulani regime to continue its actions unchecked.
The Alawite Council has issued a unified call for protest and protection following the new attacks.
To halt this escalating crisis, the global community must:
* Respond to the Alawite Council’s pleas for protection.
* Implement sanctions targeting Joulani’s militia networks.
* Pressure Israel to end any covert collaboration that enables destabilization.
* Intensify humanitarian operations and document war crimes for international prosecution.
The right of Syrian Alawites and Shias to live freely and peacefully in their homeland, without fear of extermination or displacement by sectarian extremists and their foreign collaborators, is undeniable.
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At the same time, two American KC-135 aircraft conducting aerial refueling passed near the Iranian border inside Iraqi airspace, raising concerns about potential threats to national security.
Monitoring the performance of the Iraqi government reveals that public priorities are not focused on protecting national sovereignty and controlling airspace and borders. Instead, the attention of some officials is directed toward other internal issues at the expense of national security, sparking widespread criticism about the government’s seriousness in defending the interests of the people and the sovereignty of the country.
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A drone attack targeted the Kor Mor gas field in Jamjamal district, resulting in one fatality and several injuries according to initial reports.
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“Pure falsehood with no basis whatsoever.”
He noted that U.S. policies produce nothing but wars, destruction, and support for the Zionist entity, adding that Washington is not a party worthy of communication or trust.
“The Americans and the Zionists returned empty-handed, achieving none of their objectives.”
He explained that the Iranian people faced the events with remarkable national unity.
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The Israeli Defense Forces announced that Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir yesterday approved the combat plan for the year 2026, which has been distributed to all units.
According to the statement, the plan covers all missions, maneuvers, training, readiness, means, and required resources. It is also expected that reservists will perform around 60 days of service or readiness during the year, including task and preparation days.
The decision to adopt the 2026 combat schedule means the army is shifting from managing emergency crises to managing a strategic annual plan. It also indicates that Israel is preparing for a prolonged period of continuous readiness, not just for a temporary war.
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The Israeli army publishes footage of air force strikes targeting resistance fighters in Beit Jinn, in the Damascus countryside.
Beit Jinn Breaks the Silence of the Southern Front: The First Direct Clash with Israel Near the Golan in Decades
At dawn today, the village of Beit Jinn in southern Syria witnessed fierce clashes between an Israeli special forces unit and local gunmen, in an operation that Israel said was aimed at arresting wanted members of the “Islamic Group.”
According to the Israeli account, 13 soldiers were wounded during the ambush, including 3 in serious condition, after a force from the 55th Paratroopers Brigade came under heavy fire while exiting one of the houses. The troops were forced to abandon a Hummer armored vehicle, which was later bombed by the Israeli air force after being evacuated.
Channel 12 in Hebrew reported that the operation had been “prepared for weeks,” and that Israeli aircraft were unable to intervene due to the proximity of the clashes on the ground.
On the Syrian side, local sources reported 9 martyrs so far, with a family trapped under the rubble as a result of Israeli airstrikes on the area.
Israeli sites describe the operation as “successful,” while Syrian sources consider that the Israeli army suffered a “field setback” deep inside Syrian territory, where the forces penetrated 11 kilometers.
The incident raises tensions in southern Syria and marks the first direct confrontation in decades in an area long considered “quiet,” opening the door to the emergence of a new front against Israel in the Golan.
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Syria… When the Land Refuses to Submit Once Again
For a full century, Syria has known exactly what it means for a foreign occupier to set foot on its soil. When Yusuf al-Azma confronted the French at Maysalun, he wasn’t defending the borders of a state as much as he was protecting the dignity of Syrians. The Battle of Maysalun did not triumph militarily, but it was the first clear declaration that this people — no matter how defeated, divided, or starved — will not allow a stranger to lay his hand on their land. From yesterday’s Frenchmen, to today’s Israelis, and through every intrusive militia in between… Syrian soil has refused to become a prize.
And today, after years of fragmentation, successive occupations, and the rise of new butchers like al-Joulani and those like him, Syria repeats the same message: the land is not for sale. And the people — no matter how silent — do not die from within.
What happened in Beit Jinn? And why does it matter?
An Israeli force, heavily armed, stormed the occupied village of Beit Jinn to carry out a kidnapping operation targeting two brothers from the town. The occupation forces assumed that the “new Syria” — torn, weakened, ruled by competing militias — would swallow the humiliation.
But the people of the town did what no one expected:
They opened fire.
They did not wait for a decision from Joulani’s government.
They no longer asked whether there was a “state” or “institutions.”
They acted in a manner befitting a land that knows the meaning of occupation.
Six Israeli soldiers and officers were injured, three of them critically. The invading Humvee burned inside the town itself — a scene Syria had not witnessed in years.
The occupation’s response was madness: indiscriminate shelling, a massacre, twelve martyrs — among them a young man preparing to walk into his wedding hall.
But one thing became clear:
Syria — despite the ruin — has not surrendered.
The significance of this event: beyond the fire and smoke
This is not a mere local clash.
It is the first armed act of resistance from inside occupied Syrian territory since Israel seized large parts of the south following the collapse of the Syrian state.
More importantly:
The people acted outside the “Joulani system,” outside factional calculations, and outside the imposed balance of power on the ground.
This means that the occupation — with all its strength — has failed to turn Syrians into a people stripped of will.
It signals that nations, not militias, determine the future of occupation.
What does this mean for Joulani’s government?
Joulani’s government, built essentially on the bargain of “security in exchange for authority,” now faces its worst nightmare:
a resistance created by ordinary people, not armed factions.
This event threatens Joulani’s existence on three levels:
1. The collapse of the illusion of control
If the people of a small village can fire on an occupying force, it means Joulani’s authority is superficial — he does not truly control the land he claims to rule.
2. The fall of the “stability” narrative
Joulani built his legitimacy on being the “guardian of the borders.”
But what remains of that legitimacy when Israeli units enter a Syrian village and conduct kidnappings without any official response?
3. A direct threat to his regional and international ties
Joulani has tried to present himself as a tacit ally to the West against what he calls “terrorism.”
But any popular movement against occupation exposes him as nothing more than a tool — not a statesman.
In short: Beit Jinn is a political earthquake for Joulani.
What does it mean for the Axis of Resistance?
After the ceasefire agreement in Lebanon and Syria’s fall to occupation and extremist factions, it seemed as if the Axis of Resistance was living its final moments.
But what happened in Beit Jinn reveals three new truths:
1. Resistance can rise from the ashes
It does not need to be an institution, a party, or an army.
It can begin with a village… and expand.
For a full century, Syria has known exactly what it means for a foreign occupier to set foot on its soil. When Yusuf al-Azma confronted the French at Maysalun, he wasn’t defending the borders of a state as much as he was protecting the dignity of Syrians. The Battle of Maysalun did not triumph militarily, but it was the first clear declaration that this people — no matter how defeated, divided, or starved — will not allow a stranger to lay his hand on their land. From yesterday’s Frenchmen, to today’s Israelis, and through every intrusive militia in between… Syrian soil has refused to become a prize.
And today, after years of fragmentation, successive occupations, and the rise of new butchers like al-Joulani and those like him, Syria repeats the same message: the land is not for sale. And the people — no matter how silent — do not die from within.
What happened in Beit Jinn? And why does it matter?
An Israeli force, heavily armed, stormed the occupied village of Beit Jinn to carry out a kidnapping operation targeting two brothers from the town. The occupation forces assumed that the “new Syria” — torn, weakened, ruled by competing militias — would swallow the humiliation.
But the people of the town did what no one expected:
They opened fire.
They did not wait for a decision from Joulani’s government.
They no longer asked whether there was a “state” or “institutions.”
They acted in a manner befitting a land that knows the meaning of occupation.
Six Israeli soldiers and officers were injured, three of them critically. The invading Humvee burned inside the town itself — a scene Syria had not witnessed in years.
The occupation’s response was madness: indiscriminate shelling, a massacre, twelve martyrs — among them a young man preparing to walk into his wedding hall.
But one thing became clear:
Syria — despite the ruin — has not surrendered.
The significance of this event: beyond the fire and smoke
This is not a mere local clash.
It is the first armed act of resistance from inside occupied Syrian territory since Israel seized large parts of the south following the collapse of the Syrian state.
More importantly:
The people acted outside the “Joulani system,” outside factional calculations, and outside the imposed balance of power on the ground.
This means that the occupation — with all its strength — has failed to turn Syrians into a people stripped of will.
It signals that nations, not militias, determine the future of occupation.
What does this mean for Joulani’s government?
Joulani’s government, built essentially on the bargain of “security in exchange for authority,” now faces its worst nightmare:
a resistance created by ordinary people, not armed factions.
This event threatens Joulani’s existence on three levels:
1. The collapse of the illusion of control
If the people of a small village can fire on an occupying force, it means Joulani’s authority is superficial — he does not truly control the land he claims to rule.
2. The fall of the “stability” narrative
Joulani built his legitimacy on being the “guardian of the borders.”
But what remains of that legitimacy when Israeli units enter a Syrian village and conduct kidnappings without any official response?
3. A direct threat to his regional and international ties
Joulani has tried to present himself as a tacit ally to the West against what he calls “terrorism.”
But any popular movement against occupation exposes him as nothing more than a tool — not a statesman.
In short: Beit Jinn is a political earthquake for Joulani.
What does it mean for the Axis of Resistance?
After the ceasefire agreement in Lebanon and Syria’s fall to occupation and extremist factions, it seemed as if the Axis of Resistance was living its final moments.
But what happened in Beit Jinn reveals three new truths:
1. Resistance can rise from the ashes
It does not need to be an institution, a party, or an army.
It can begin with a village… and expand.
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The Observer
Syria… When the Land Refuses to Submit Once Again For a full century, Syria has known exactly what it means for a foreign occupier to set foot on its soil. When Yusuf al-Azma confronted the French at Maysalun, he wasn’t defending the borders of a state as…
2. Syria has not become a neutralized arena
Israel assumed the battle was over, that Syrians were too consumed by hunger and division.
But the confrontation in Beit Jinn shows that the occupation has not “won” yet.
3. Yemen was the first to recognize the signal
The Houthis’ statement was not diplomatic courtesy.
It was a message to the region:
“If a spark is born inside Syria, there will be hands ready to carry it.”
This event reopens the file of Syrian resistance — a file many thought permanently closed.
How did the region react?
Three types of responses emerged:
1. The Axis of Resistance (Yemen, Iraq, Iran before its recent political collapse)
They saw in the event a “return of the spirit” to Syria.
Ansar Allah’s statement was the clearest: support, praise, and an affirmation that resistance never dies.
2. The Arab regimes that normalized relations with Israel
They remained silent, fearing any spark that might spread to their own streets.
3. Jordan and the Gulf
Deep anxiety about a potential “spread of the resistance contagion” to their borders, especially amid growing public anger toward normalization.
How did the world react?
The West treated the incident as a “security disturbance,” not an act of resistance.
Israeli media was shocked that a small village could injure six trained soldiers.
International organizations repeated the usual line about the “need for restraint” — a phrase that has become a bitter joke in our region.
Behind the scenes, however, there is real fear that southern Syria could turn into a second Gaza:
shantytowns, siege, popular resistance, and a permanent embarrassment for the occupation.
Do we foresee a new wave of resistance in Syria?
Yes — in fact, it is highly likely.
Not because military forces are ready; they are broken.
But because occupation, historically, breeds its own resistance.
Beit Jinn was the first spark.
And the occupation knows that small sparks are the ones that burn empires.
Syria’s resistance against the French was born in small villages.
And today, resistance to the Israeli occupation may be born in the same way:
a village, a family, a rifle, a cry…
and then an entire geography begins to change.
Conclusion
Yes… Syria is living the darkest moments in its history.
Yes… the state has collapsed.
Yes… Hezbollah is in a stage of recovery.
And yes… Joulani, the killer of yesterday, now sits in the seat of power.
But one thing has not fallen:
Syrians’ refusal of the foreigner.
Beit Jinn is not a military battle.
It is a declaration…
that Syria — no matter how torn apart — will never be an easy trophy for anyone who imagines himself above history.
🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
Israel assumed the battle was over, that Syrians were too consumed by hunger and division.
But the confrontation in Beit Jinn shows that the occupation has not “won” yet.
3. Yemen was the first to recognize the signal
The Houthis’ statement was not diplomatic courtesy.
It was a message to the region:
“If a spark is born inside Syria, there will be hands ready to carry it.”
This event reopens the file of Syrian resistance — a file many thought permanently closed.
How did the region react?
Three types of responses emerged:
1. The Axis of Resistance (Yemen, Iraq, Iran before its recent political collapse)
They saw in the event a “return of the spirit” to Syria.
Ansar Allah’s statement was the clearest: support, praise, and an affirmation that resistance never dies.
2. The Arab regimes that normalized relations with Israel
They remained silent, fearing any spark that might spread to their own streets.
3. Jordan and the Gulf
Deep anxiety about a potential “spread of the resistance contagion” to their borders, especially amid growing public anger toward normalization.
How did the world react?
The West treated the incident as a “security disturbance,” not an act of resistance.
Israeli media was shocked that a small village could injure six trained soldiers.
International organizations repeated the usual line about the “need for restraint” — a phrase that has become a bitter joke in our region.
Behind the scenes, however, there is real fear that southern Syria could turn into a second Gaza:
shantytowns, siege, popular resistance, and a permanent embarrassment for the occupation.
Do we foresee a new wave of resistance in Syria?
Yes — in fact, it is highly likely.
Not because military forces are ready; they are broken.
But because occupation, historically, breeds its own resistance.
Beit Jinn was the first spark.
And the occupation knows that small sparks are the ones that burn empires.
Syria’s resistance against the French was born in small villages.
And today, resistance to the Israeli occupation may be born in the same way:
a village, a family, a rifle, a cry…
and then an entire geography begins to change.
Conclusion
Yes… Syria is living the darkest moments in its history.
Yes… the state has collapsed.
Yes… Hezbollah is in a stage of recovery.
And yes… Joulani, the killer of yesterday, now sits in the seat of power.
But one thing has not fallen:
Syrians’ refusal of the foreigner.
Beit Jinn is not a military battle.
It is a declaration…
that Syria — no matter how torn apart — will never be an easy trophy for anyone who imagines himself above history.
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U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Michael Rigas arrived in Baghdad as part of an official tour that includes Turkey, Iraq, and Israel. The visit comes at a sensitive time, marked by direct and explicit American involvement in Iraqi affairs, with public messages and warnings to factions and political forces—similar to Safaya’s threats two days ago—underscoring Washington’s intent to impose its will on the formation of the Iraqi government and the balance of internal influence.
This tour follows rising security tensions along the Iraqi‑Iranian border and in Kurdistan, including a rocket strike on the Kor Mor gas field in the region, which caused a fire and suspended gas production. This situation highlights that Washington views Iraq as a vital arena for regional power balances, closely monitoring government formation and factional influence, without venturing into predictions about future steps or possible escalation.
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“The Vatican’s Arabic page deleted the photos of Imam Mahdi Scouts who took part in welcoming the Pope in Beirut after they had been posted on their page.”“The Vatican’s Arabic page deleted the photos of Imam Mahdi Scouts who took part in welcoming the Pope in Beirut after they had been posted on their page.”
His Holiness Pope Leon XIV visits the Christians of Lebanon, but not Lebanon itself—despite the welcome extended by all sects, officials, and Lebanese parties, and their participation in receiving him. The government imposed a compulsory two‑day shutdown without justification, especially since the Pope’s visit is limited to geographically central Christian areas.
The Pope “Leo” excluded the South from his itinerary, even though it contains landmarks of Jesus (peace be upon him), such as Qana, the site of his first miracle according to the Gospel of John (“On the third day there was a wedding in Cana of Galilee, and the mother of Jesus was there”), Our Lady of Mantara, where the Virgin Mary awaited him, and the first great church dedicated to the Virgin, historically established in 314. Alongside other sacred sites in Tyre and beyond, these places are unparalleled in Lebanon. This exclusion shows that the Pope’s visit is a political‑pastoral one, not a religious pilgrimage to bless the traces of Christ.
The Pope visits Lebanon to bid farewell to the last Christians of the East, after Israel displaced Christians from Palestine, restricted them, and occupied their holy sites—the most sacred centers of Christianity worldwide.
He comes to Lebanon to bid farewell to what remains of its Christians, considered the last Christians of the East, after extremist groups displaced Christians from Iraq and Syria. Patriarch al‑Rai himself spoke of the worsening Christian migration in Syria. And before Israel displaces them again—while implementing its “Greater Israel” project, which recognizes neither Christianity nor Islam—the Pope’s visit is framed as a farewell.
The Pope visits Lebanon to call for its accession to the Abraham Accords, whether through direct invitation or by promoting “peace” according to Israeli and American conditions imposed by Trump through force and by Israel through fire—aimed at uprooting and distorting every religious creed opposed to the Judaic‑Talmudic doctrine.
The Israeli‑American concept of peace means unconditional surrender: abandoning religion, culture, geography, and wealth, and adopting the new “Abrahamic faith” shaped by Zionism‑Freemasonry. This stage must be preceded by the destruction of Christianity. Western Christianity has already faced this—blessing same‑sex marriage, changing many church laws, the Gospel, and Christ’s teachings—until it barely resembles his message. Now the phase continues to eradicate Eastern Christianity, both its creed and its followers, because it represents Christianity’s authentic roots. It must be uprooted from its geography either through displacement or doctrinal distortion. This aligns with the goals of “Greater Israel,” which seeks to eliminate Christianity, considered the first enemy of Judaic‑Talmudism, before Islam becomes the second and main enemy.
The Pope’s refusal to visit South Lebanon and its Christian holy sites aims to avoid reinforcing Lebanese sovereignty over the South. Qana lies south of the Litani River, which Israel seeks to annex or strip from Lebanon’s sovereignty. Today, decisions regarding everything south of the Litani—peace or war, reconstruction or agriculture, even restoring cemeteries, mosques, and husayniyyas—are in Israel’s hands, not Lebanon’s. International forces and the Lebanese army act according to the “Mechanism Committee” dictated by Israel and America. It seems the Lebanese government and the Vatican could not obtain “Israeli permission” for the Pope to visit the South, after France and Lebanon failed to secure Israeli approval to halt attacks during his visit.
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