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US President Donald Trump said that lifting the sanctions on Syria came at the request of Turkey, Israel, and other countries.
His selection over other designated terrorist leaders stems from calculated geopolitical and strategic reasoning. Certain Western and regional powers view him as Syria’s de facto ruler after Assad, due to his military and political control over key territories. His apparent willingness to engage diplomatically — evidenced by meetings with U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin — suggests the potential to reintegrate Syria into broader regional stabilization efforts. Nonetheless, this pragmatic shift inherently overlooks issues of justice and the voices of victims of his past terrorist campaigns.
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The Observer
US President Donald Trump said that lifting the sanctions on Syria came at the request of Turkey, Israel, and other countries. 🔴 From Terrorist Leader to Head of State: How Did the World Legitimize Al-Joulani as President of Syria? 🌕 Ahmad Al-Sharaa, known…
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Imaginary scenes from the 'The Line' project in Saudi Arabia's NEOM, a bold futuristic vision that has not been realized in reality.
When Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman announced NEOM — the Saudi desert transformed into a futuristic “city of the future” — it was meant to signal the dawn of a new Saudi Arabia: away from oil, steeply modernized, technologically advanced, and globally competitive. The kingdom’s “Vision 2030” blueprint was to pivot the country from petro-monarch to post-petro powerhouse. Instead, mounting evidence suggests what is playing out is a different story: massive spending, slowing returns, fiscal strain, delayed projects, and mounting regional distractions.
Dreams cost money — and then more money
NEOM was pitched at roughly US $500 billion but insiders and external analysts long considered that figure deeply conservative. According to one report, the overall value of Saudi real-estate and infrastructure projects tied to Vision 2030 already surpasses US $1 trillion.
The independent investigation by the Financial Times concluded that NEOM’s flagship elements — in particular the “Line” linear-city concept — are now subject to major review, cost blow-outs, and scaled-back ambitions.
These aren’t trivial revisions. For example:
• Leadership of NEOM changed abruptly — the CEO of the project was replaced amid mounting criticism.
• A “comprehensive review” of NEOM’s scope was launched, signalling that original assumptions were no longer credible under the original timetable.
• Some external reports estimate Saudi public-sector debt and borrowing needs far higher than previously disclosed. For instance, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) projected Saudi gross government debt could hit ~44.5 % of GDP by 2029.
• Saudi Arabia has turned heavily to international debt markets to finance the Vision 2030 agenda: in 2024 alone it reportedly issued around US $50 billion in bonds.
Domestic promises left unmet
For a regime that pledged transformation and renewed prosperity for its citizens, the domestic arithmetic does not look benign. Among the problems:
• Although the official 2025 budget statement suggests public debt equivalent to about 29.9 % of GDP (SAR 1,300 billion) under the “public debt” label, this may mask contingent liabilities, off-balance sheet projects and huge capital outlays still being financed through debt.
• The IMF in its 2025 Article IV consultation acknowledged that the forecast fiscal deficit would be financed “primarily by borrowing, including through debt issuances, syndicated loans or facilities from export credit agencies, leading to an increase in the public debt-to-GDP ratio to about 42 % by 2030.”
• Despite media-friendly headlines of diversification, many analysts warn the rapid borrowing and spending pace is unsustainable.
Foreign ventures: influence over reform
While Saudi Arabia spends heavily at home, it is also exporting capital — and risk — abroad in pursuit of regional influence. These foreign expenditures compound the overall fiscal and reputational risk. Some examples:
• In Yemen, Saudi Arabia pledged around US $368 million in fresh economic support in September 2025 to bolster the government in Aden.
• The kingdom previously deposited US $1 billion into Yemen’s central bank in 2023 to shore up the cash-starved government in exile.
• In Lebanon, Reuters reported that Lebanon would ask Saudi Arabia to resume a previously-halted US $3 billion grant for the Lebanese army.
• In Sudan, Saudi-aligned and Gulf-aligned funds have been implicated in backing rival factions, fuelling conflict, rather than stabilising governance.
These are not merely “aid packages,” but calculated strategic investments (or bets) in geopolitical theatres. In many cases the returns — economic or political — are far from assured. The gap between expectation and outcome is widening.
Strategic investment deal – United States relations
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The Observer
Imaginary scenes from the 'The Line' project in Saudi Arabia's NEOM, a bold futuristic vision that has not been realized in reality. 🔴 The Mirage of NEOM and the Debt Behind the Crown Prince’s Vision When Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman announced NEOM —…
In May 2025, the White House released a fact-sheet stating that President Donald J. Trump secured a historic US $600 billion investment commitment from Saudi Arabia. That deal includes Saudi investment in U.S.
AI data-centres, energy infrastructure, technology firms (Google, AMD, Uber, etc.), and huge defence contracts. The fact sheet highlights that this investment is touted as transformative for both nations — yet the timing is telling: Saudi Arabia is simultaneously borrowing heavily and facing domestic execution risks on its major projects, even as it pledges enormous outward capital flows. This paradox raises questions about priorities: if a country is promising massive investment abroad, but internally its flagship transformation is faltering and its debt burden rising, what does this say about the leadership’s strategic coherence and fiscal discipline?
• The reported US $600 billion in deals was described as the “largest set of commercial agreements on record” between the two countries.
• The agreement spans sectors including defence, infrastructure, technology and energy, with some contracts valued at over US $142 billion in defence sales alone.
This outward commitment underscores that Saudi Arabia under MBS is pursuing global prestige and alliances — but whether the domestic foundations (governance, finance, execution) are strong enough to support those ambitions remains deeply uncertain.
The optics vs. the reality
Imagine: hundreds of billions committed to futuristic desert cities (NEOM, “The Line”), ski resorts, luxury islands, AI-hubs and the like — even as much of the domestic economy remains tied to oil; as borrowing rises; and as foreign policy engagements absorb capital.
According to one report:
“The country’s total debt now stands at $354 billion, or about 30 percent of its GDP. … A key reason behind the retrenchment is the kingdom’s deteriorating fiscal health.”
And:
“Saudi Arabia Turns to Debt Markets for Vision 2030 Financing … the kingdom’s total debt stood at some $308.7 billion at the end of September.”
Meanwhile, some of the grand project assumptions are being peeled back. One report noted:
“Initial projections for The Line to house 9 million people by 2030 have been reduced to fewer than 300,000 people.”
Accountability, governance and execution
Much of the critique centres not simply on ambition, but on execution — and the lack of transparent accountability. The FT notes that NEOM’s revision stemmed in part from unrealistic engineering assumptions, governance lapses, and the fact that private investment and international partners have not followed at the pace originally envisaged.
The governance challenge is real. A 2020 study on “Managing Public Debt: the Case of Saudi Arabia” observed the sharp increase in debt and the need for stronger risk-management frameworks.
That risk may be manifesting: if returns don’t materialise or if oil revenue weakens — as it has in recent years — then reliance on large-scale borrowing becomes brittle.
Regional distraction, strategic cost
While the domestic transformation is faltering, Saudi Arabia’s regional posture under MBS has also been expensive. Military interventions, influence operations in Lebanon, Sudan and Yemen, political patronage and soft-power expenditures add to the total cost. Money spent abroad is money not spent on domestic competitiveness, infrastructure or households.
Although credible open-source evidence of “funding terrorists” in the broad sense you asked is harder to pin down (and requires care and nuance), what we do see is Saudi funds flowing into unstable theatres, allied militias and proxy engagements. For example, Sudan’s conflict has seen external backing of rival military commanders.
To the extent that these foreign engagements underwrite instability, the financial cost is also reputational and strategic — and the dividend is far from obvious.
AI data-centres, energy infrastructure, technology firms (Google, AMD, Uber, etc.), and huge defence contracts. The fact sheet highlights that this investment is touted as transformative for both nations — yet the timing is telling: Saudi Arabia is simultaneously borrowing heavily and facing domestic execution risks on its major projects, even as it pledges enormous outward capital flows. This paradox raises questions about priorities: if a country is promising massive investment abroad, but internally its flagship transformation is faltering and its debt burden rising, what does this say about the leadership’s strategic coherence and fiscal discipline?
• The reported US $600 billion in deals was described as the “largest set of commercial agreements on record” between the two countries.
• The agreement spans sectors including defence, infrastructure, technology and energy, with some contracts valued at over US $142 billion in defence sales alone.
This outward commitment underscores that Saudi Arabia under MBS is pursuing global prestige and alliances — but whether the domestic foundations (governance, finance, execution) are strong enough to support those ambitions remains deeply uncertain.
The optics vs. the reality
Imagine: hundreds of billions committed to futuristic desert cities (NEOM, “The Line”), ski resorts, luxury islands, AI-hubs and the like — even as much of the domestic economy remains tied to oil; as borrowing rises; and as foreign policy engagements absorb capital.
According to one report:
“The country’s total debt now stands at $354 billion, or about 30 percent of its GDP. … A key reason behind the retrenchment is the kingdom’s deteriorating fiscal health.”
And:
“Saudi Arabia Turns to Debt Markets for Vision 2030 Financing … the kingdom’s total debt stood at some $308.7 billion at the end of September.”
Meanwhile, some of the grand project assumptions are being peeled back. One report noted:
“Initial projections for The Line to house 9 million people by 2030 have been reduced to fewer than 300,000 people.”
Accountability, governance and execution
Much of the critique centres not simply on ambition, but on execution — and the lack of transparent accountability. The FT notes that NEOM’s revision stemmed in part from unrealistic engineering assumptions, governance lapses, and the fact that private investment and international partners have not followed at the pace originally envisaged.
The governance challenge is real. A 2020 study on “Managing Public Debt: the Case of Saudi Arabia” observed the sharp increase in debt and the need for stronger risk-management frameworks.
That risk may be manifesting: if returns don’t materialise or if oil revenue weakens — as it has in recent years — then reliance on large-scale borrowing becomes brittle.
Regional distraction, strategic cost
While the domestic transformation is faltering, Saudi Arabia’s regional posture under MBS has also been expensive. Military interventions, influence operations in Lebanon, Sudan and Yemen, political patronage and soft-power expenditures add to the total cost. Money spent abroad is money not spent on domestic competitiveness, infrastructure or households.
Although credible open-source evidence of “funding terrorists” in the broad sense you asked is harder to pin down (and requires care and nuance), what we do see is Saudi funds flowing into unstable theatres, allied militias and proxy engagements. For example, Sudan’s conflict has seen external backing of rival military commanders.
To the extent that these foreign engagements underwrite instability, the financial cost is also reputational and strategic — and the dividend is far from obvious.
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The Observer
In May 2025, the White House released a fact-sheet stating that President Donald J. Trump secured a historic US $600 billion investment commitment from Saudi Arabia. That deal includes Saudi investment in U.S. AI data-centres, energy infrastructure, technology…
What happens next?
Saudi Arabia still retains enormous financial firepower: large sovereign reserves, the global role of Saudi Aramco, and a credit rating still well above many peers. But the trajectory is worrisome: more borrowing, more risk, more reliance on grand projects, and fewer clear pay-offs.
If the government is forced to delay or scale back major initiatives, or if oil prices slump, then taxpayers will ultimately feel the burden. The question for Saudi citizens — and for external investors — is whether this is just a recalibration or a structural failure of vision.
For MBS’s prestige to align with performance, Saudi Arabia must shift from spectacle to substance: meaningful returns, credible institutions, and realistic project scopes. Without that shift, the dream of NEOM becomes the cautionary tale of the kingdom’s transformation.
🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
Saudi Arabia still retains enormous financial firepower: large sovereign reserves, the global role of Saudi Aramco, and a credit rating still well above many peers. But the trajectory is worrisome: more borrowing, more risk, more reliance on grand projects, and fewer clear pay-offs.
If the government is forced to delay or scale back major initiatives, or if oil prices slump, then taxpayers will ultimately feel the burden. The question for Saudi citizens — and for external investors — is whether this is just a recalibration or a structural failure of vision.
For MBS’s prestige to align with performance, Saudi Arabia must shift from spectacle to substance: meaningful returns, credible institutions, and realistic project scopes. Without that shift, the dream of NEOM becomes the cautionary tale of the kingdom’s transformation.
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Over the past two decades, experience has shown that electoral victory does not guarantee control over governance due to the sectarian quota system and the political balances imposed on Iraq following the U.S. occupation in 2003.
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Washington presented this list as a “moderate national alternative” to the Shiite parties aligned with Iran and viewed it as an opportunity to restore political balance after Nouri al-Maliki’s first term.
However, Allawi failed to form the largest bloc in parliament due to post-election coalitions led by al-Maliki, supported by Shiite and Kurdish parties and indirectly backed by Tehran.
This event marked a turning point: Washington realized that ballot boxes alone do not guarantee its interests unless accompanied by post-election political engineering.
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Reports from Reuters and The Washington Post at the time revealed that McGurk held repeated meetings with Sunni, Shiite, and Kurdish leaders to coordinate a pro-Western alliance.
The American objective was to prevent Iran-aligned forces from seizing power; yet, those efforts failed due to strong domestic resistance and the complexity of internal balances.
Adel Abdul Mahdi’s government was formed despite Washington’s reservations, after which the U.S. began exploiting public anger by supporting the October 2019 protest movement that ultimately brought down the government.
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However, the majority project failed due to disputes over sovereign positions and the resistance of the Coordination Framework—a coalition of Shiite forces and resistance factions that view U.S. influence as a threat to Iraq’s sovereignty.
The Sadrists withdrew from parliament, leaving the stage for the Coordination Framework to form the current government. Observers noted that this withdrawal weakened Washington’s undeclared project to reorganize the political blocs in line with its regional interests.
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In August 2022, Sadrist supporters stormed the Green Zone — home to the parliament and government buildings — with implicit support from then-Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi, who was accused by opponents of closeness to Washington.
From a local Iraqi perspective, the storming was not a coup against the state but rather an attempt to restore balance within the political process and reject monopolization of power.
The Popular Mobilization Forces, as an official arm of the Iraqi state, intervened to protect government institutions and contain the crisis.
In the aftermath, Muqtada al-Sadr announced his withdrawal from politics, maintaining his symbolic role as an external voice of opposition.
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The Observer
Washington seeks to capitalize on this regional momentum to secure a new foothold in Baghdad by influencing electoral outcomes and post-election alliances, using economic, diplomatic, and media tools to pressure nationalist forces.
The U.S. goal is clear: to weaken parties with strategic ties to Iran and to ensure Iraq remains within the American sphere of control — even at the expense of the country’s unity and sovereign independence.
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Post-election alliances are often built upon regional and international understandings rather than reflecting the voters’ true will.
Thus, understanding the Iraqi landscape requires an internal reading rooted in the people’s suffering and their rejection of foreign dependency, rather than through a Western lens that reduces Iraq to a mere “sphere of influence.”
While Washington frames it as a “visit to support the democratic process,” many observers see it as an undeclared attempt to redraw Iraq’s political balance or steer upcoming alliances in a way that preserves U.S. dominance within Iraqi institutions.
However, the timing of his movements—immediately before the elections—raises questions about whether his visit carries implicit pressure or veiled promises to specific candidates, or if it is a preemptive move to prevent the rise of anti-U.S. or pro-Resistance political forces.
Is Savaya seeking to back certain political figures? Or is he preparing the ground to impose economic and security conditions after the results are announced?
Whatever the answer, the timing alone exposes legitimate doubts about American intentions and reaffirms that Washington’s concept of “democracy” often becomes a tool to shape nations’ choices to suit its own interests.
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The Observer
This frustration is clearly reflected in the declining voter turnout, as data indicates that nearly one-third of eligible voters have not registered with the Independent High Electoral Commission — a clear expression of lost confidence in the political process.
Safeguarding the country’s territorial unity, protecting national wealth, and ensuring access to international waters are existential matters that must not be offered up as concessions to short-term economic demands or partisan rivalries.
The looming water crisis is a striking example of a sovereign challenge that demands a unified national stance — not submission to foreign dictates or the blackmail of regional and international powers.
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The world can no longer stay silent.
What is happening today in southern Lebanon is not just another border skirmish, nor a “security operation” as Israeli officials cynically claim — it is an active, illegal annexation. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), backed by extremist settler organizations and private military contractors, are redrawing Lebanon’s borders with concrete, bulldozers, and blood.
Near the village of Jal al-Dier, Israeli bulldozers roar day and night, carving out a massive fortified wall that snakes deep into Lebanese land. This is not merely a fence — it is a monument of colonial theft, a structure meant to erase Lebanon’s sovereignty under the guise of “security.” Behind this monstrous barrier lies another inner wall and layers of cement and soil fortifications meticulously engineered over the years to permanently seize Lebanese territory.
And here lies the scandal: this isn’t the work of the Israeli military alone. The construction is being carried out by Israeli settler companies — private civilian contractors funded and supported by far-right extremist groups. Among them is the notorious “Uri Tzafon Movement”, founded in March 2024, whose open mission is to settle southern Lebanon as “biblical land.” Since mid-2024, Uri Tzafon has been actively building and selling properties on Lebanese soil, openly violating international borders as the world looks away.
One of the key contractors in this criminal enterprise is Bardarian Brothers, a company long linked to Israeli Ministry of Defense contracts. According to WhoProfits (2018), this firm has profited for years from constructing apartheid walls, military infrastructure, and illegal settlement expansions. In 2024 and 2025, Bardarian Brothers and similar companies expanded their operations into southern Lebanon — this time to entrench an occupation that has no legal, moral, or historical justification.
But the invasion does not stop with bulldozers. It has taken on a religious and ideological face, reminiscent of the darkest colonial crusades. In March 2025, hundreds of Hasidic Jews were escorted by IDF soldiers deep into southern Lebanon to pray at what they called “a rabbi’s shrine.” The event was not a religious pilgrimage — it was a political declaration. Loud prayers proclaimed the land as “inherently Israeli,” under the watchful eyes of soldiers carrying rifles. This grotesque fusion of faith and occupation exposes the religious extremism driving the annexationist project.
These acts represent a flagrant violation of international law, particularly UN Security Council Resolution 1701, adopted on August 11, 2006, which explicitly prohibits any Israeli military presence or expansion in southern Lebanon. Even UNIFIL and multiple international observers have condemned Israel’s recent construction, describing it as a direct breach of Resolution 1701 and a threat to regional stability.
And yet, the crime deepens.
In a shocking development, Israeli real estate agencies have begun advertising and selling land parcels in southern Lebanon and Gaza — online, in plain sight. Reports by Roya News (2024) and BBC (2025) reveal how Israeli extremists and speculators are marketing occupied land as “new investment opportunities,” turning stolen soil into profit. This economic normalization of annexation is as dangerous as the walls themselves.
Israel is not merely violating Lebanon’s sovereignty; it is destroying the very foundations of international order. Every wall built, every prayer staged under military escort, every land sale signed is a blow to the global legal system meant to prevent such aggression.
Let us be clear:
This is not a security buffer.
This is not a border adjustment.
This is a crime — the deliberate, systematic annexation of another nation’s territory, enforced by the military, blessed by extremist rabbis, and financed by private companies complicit in occupation.
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The Observer
The IDF’s actions in southern Lebanon — from Jal al-Dier to the border hills — mirror Israel’s colonial blueprint from the West Bank to Gaza: build walls, plant settlers, claim divine right, and wait for the world’s silence.
But silence is complicity.
Human rights organizations, international courts, and every voice that still believes in justice must act — now. The International Criminal Court must open immediate investigations into Israel’s war crimes and illegal annexation efforts. The United Nations must enforce Resolution 1701 and sanction Israeli companies involved in construction on Lebanese land.
Lebanon’s sovereignty is not negotiable.
Its borders are not for sale.
And its people will not disappear behind walls built by occupiers and extremists.
The annexation of southern Lebanon is not only a Lebanese tragedy — it is a global moral test. If the world fails to stop Israel’s colonial advance today, it will have no authority to speak of human rights, peace, or law tomorrow
🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
But silence is complicity.
Human rights organizations, international courts, and every voice that still believes in justice must act — now. The International Criminal Court must open immediate investigations into Israel’s war crimes and illegal annexation efforts. The United Nations must enforce Resolution 1701 and sanction Israeli companies involved in construction on Lebanese land.
Lebanon’s sovereignty is not negotiable.
Its borders are not for sale.
And its people will not disappear behind walls built by occupiers and extremists.
The annexation of southern Lebanon is not only a Lebanese tragedy — it is a global moral test. If the world fails to stop Israel’s colonial advance today, it will have no authority to speak of human rights, peace, or law tomorrow
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Ben Gvir distributes sweets in the Knesset after the approval of the bill to execute Palestinian prisoners in its first reading.
This is a breakdown of the proposed Israeli legislation to apply the death penalty for certain offenses, addressing its content, political context, and the reactions it has generated.
How has the Israeli public and security establishment reacted?
Reaction within Israel is divided:
Historically, Israel's security agencies (such as the Shin Bet) have opposed such a law. Their stated concerns are not typically based on human rights but on practical security implications, including:
How have Palestinians commented on the bill?
There has been widespread and uniform condemnation from all major Palestinian political bodies:
The process can take months and is often subject to intense political negotiations, and many such bills have failed in the past.
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The Observer
Ben Gvir distributes sweets in the Knesset after the approval of the bill to execute Palestinian prisoners in its first reading. 🔴 The Death Penalty Bill for Palestinian Prisoners is the Death Penalty Bill on Humanity ! 👌 Analysis of the Proposed Israeli…
They argue that the death penalty violates fundamental human rights, and its application by an occupying power against an occupied population is a breach of international humanitarian law (specifically the Fourth Geneva Convention).
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Events in Sudan are accelerating amid deadly battles and strategic maneuvers by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti. After their takeover of El Fasher on October 26, 2025, the RSF is now shifting toward central and eastern Sudan, with its eyes set on the strategic city of Al-Obeid (also known as Al-Bayda) — the capital of North Kordofan State. The move signals an attempt to widen control, isolate key regions, and cut the army’s supply routes and economic lifelines.
What Exactly Is Happening in Al-Obeid? (Facts and Figures)
• In recent days, local and international reports confirmed that RSF forces are preparing for a full assault on Al-Obeid, with the militia urging residents of certain neighborhoods to evacuate through so-called “safe corridors” — a chilling warning, given how similar “corridors” in Darfur turned into deadly traps.
• The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have announced several counterattacks, claiming to have repelled RSF offensives west of Al-Obeid — in areas like Al-Ayyara and Um Sumayma — but the situation remains fragile, with intermittent drone and artillery bombardments reported.
• The humanitarian situation is deteriorating rapidly. After the fall of El Fasher, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported over 36,000 new displacements. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the broader conflict has displaced more than 11.7 million people inside and outside Sudan, with an urgent humanitarian funding need of $4.2 billion for 2025.
Key Figures and Field Alignments
• Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti) — Commander of the RSF and former leader of the Janjaweed militias. His rise from a Darfuri warlord to one of Sudan’s most powerful men marks the RSF’s evolution into a state-within-a-state.
• Field Alliances: In the Kordofan and Darfur regions, the RSF has reportedly formed temporary alliances with rebel factions, including a wing of the SPLM-N led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, further complicating the conflict.
• Government/Army stance: The official Sudanese army denounces the RSF’s campaign as an “invasion” and calls on the international community to stop the flow of weapons and funding to the group. Despite limited resources, it is struggling to maintain its foothold across multiple fronts.
The Toll: Human Losses and Documented Crimes
• Death Toll: Since the war began in April 2023, various reports estimate tens of thousands killed — with some citing figures exceeding 40,000 deaths, though the true number is likely much higher.
• Crimes and Abuses: Reports by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the UN Human Rights Office document summary executions, systematic rape, targeted ethnic cleansing, looting, and forced displacement — particularly against non-Arab communities like the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa in Darfur. These atrocities, in many cases, amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.
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The Observer
The UAE Connection: Gold, Funding, and Geopolitical Ambitions
• Accusations and Investigations: Several international investigations have accused the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of providing logistical, financial, and possibly military support to the RSF, including through air transport, re-exported weapons, and the gold trade. While the UAE denies direct involvement, the Sudanese government filed a case against Abu Dhabi at the International Court of Justice in March 2025, accusing it of aiding war crimes and systematic repression — a case still under review.
• Gold and Funding: According to Reuters and other outlets, networks exporting Sudanese gold through Gulf markets, including the UAE, have directly financed the RSF’s operations.
In early October 2025, restrictions on flights between Port Sudan and Dubai reportedly disrupted the gold market, causing a spike in exchange rates and highlighting how closely economic flows are tied to the war’s machinery.
Why Al-Obeid Matters Strategically
Controlling Al-Obeid, located at Sudan’s geographic center, would give the RSF command over critical east-west trade and supply routes, potentially isolating the eastern regions from the west and tightening their grip on the country’s economic arteries. Military analysts warn that such a shift would fundamentally alter the balance of power, making any national political settlement far more difficult.
What Must Be Done Now — A Human and Legal Perspective
• Cut the flow of arms and money: The international community must impose real, enforceable sanctions on states or entities found to be supplying weapons or financing armed groups in Sudan. Reports from Amnesty International and HRW provide concrete evidence of arms embargo violations that demand immediate action.
• Protect civilians: Open monitored humanitarian corridors, deliver food and medical aid under UN supervision, and fund emergency relief operations. OCHA has requested hundreds of millions to address urgent civilian needs.
• Ensure accountability: Cases of sexual violence, mass killings, and ethnically motivated attacks require independent investigations and referrals to international courts — otherwise, impunity will only perpetuate further atrocities.
A Human Plea, Not Just a Political Statement
When we read these numbers — tens of thousands killed, millions displaced — we must remember they represent lives, families, and futures erased. The fall of El Fasher on October 26, 2025, and the imminent threat to Al-Obeid are not mere coordinates on a map; they are chapters of a collapsing nation and a humanitarian nightmare unfolding in real time.
The question is not rhetorical anymore:
How long will the international community remain silent as weapons flow, gold is looted, and warlords build empires on human suffering?
This silence is complicity. The time for statements is over — what is needed now is action: halt the funding, stop the arms, and bring the perpetrators to justice.
🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
• Accusations and Investigations: Several international investigations have accused the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of providing logistical, financial, and possibly military support to the RSF, including through air transport, re-exported weapons, and the gold trade. While the UAE denies direct involvement, the Sudanese government filed a case against Abu Dhabi at the International Court of Justice in March 2025, accusing it of aiding war crimes and systematic repression — a case still under review.
• Gold and Funding: According to Reuters and other outlets, networks exporting Sudanese gold through Gulf markets, including the UAE, have directly financed the RSF’s operations.
In early October 2025, restrictions on flights between Port Sudan and Dubai reportedly disrupted the gold market, causing a spike in exchange rates and highlighting how closely economic flows are tied to the war’s machinery.
Why Al-Obeid Matters Strategically
Controlling Al-Obeid, located at Sudan’s geographic center, would give the RSF command over critical east-west trade and supply routes, potentially isolating the eastern regions from the west and tightening their grip on the country’s economic arteries. Military analysts warn that such a shift would fundamentally alter the balance of power, making any national political settlement far more difficult.
What Must Be Done Now — A Human and Legal Perspective
• Cut the flow of arms and money: The international community must impose real, enforceable sanctions on states or entities found to be supplying weapons or financing armed groups in Sudan. Reports from Amnesty International and HRW provide concrete evidence of arms embargo violations that demand immediate action.
• Protect civilians: Open monitored humanitarian corridors, deliver food and medical aid under UN supervision, and fund emergency relief operations. OCHA has requested hundreds of millions to address urgent civilian needs.
• Ensure accountability: Cases of sexual violence, mass killings, and ethnically motivated attacks require independent investigations and referrals to international courts — otherwise, impunity will only perpetuate further atrocities.
A Human Plea, Not Just a Political Statement
When we read these numbers — tens of thousands killed, millions displaced — we must remember they represent lives, families, and futures erased. The fall of El Fasher on October 26, 2025, and the imminent threat to Al-Obeid are not mere coordinates on a map; they are chapters of a collapsing nation and a humanitarian nightmare unfolding in real time.
The question is not rhetorical anymore:
How long will the international community remain silent as weapons flow, gold is looted, and warlords build empires on human suffering?
This silence is complicity. The time for statements is over — what is needed now is action: halt the funding, stop the arms, and bring the perpetrators to justice.
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The investigation is still in its early stages, and no names or confirmed details have been released regarding the entities that organized these trips.
The question remains: Who were the parties responsible for transporting wealthy individuals to Bosnia to kill innocent civilians?
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While the eyes of the world remain fixed on the Levant and the Red Sea, a silent but dangerous transformation is taking shape in the South Caucasus—one that signals a new era of looming threats. Azerbaijan, once seen merely as a post-Soviet energy node, is rapidly transforming into an advanced military outpost serving the forces seeking to dismantle the Axis of Resistance.
Under the banners of “energy diversification” and “protecting territorial sovereignty,” Baku is not merely purchasing weapons—it is building the industrial capacity to wage a long-term war. The new ammunition factories and joint ventures with Western and Israeli defense companies are not designed solely for internal defense. They are constructing a NATO-linked military infrastructure positioned directly on the northern border of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The Iron Fist and the Zionist Connection
The driving force behind Baku’s militarization is its unholy alliance with Tel Aviv. For years, many observers dismissed this relationship as a basic transaction: Azerbaijani Caspian oil in exchange for advanced Israeli weapons. Today, this relationship has evolved into a far more dangerous strategic entanglement.
Israel imports roughly 40% of its crude oil from Azerbaijan—the very fuel that powers the tanks and jets leveling Gaza and Lebanon. In return, Tel Aviv has turned Azerbaijan into a testing ground and production hub for its most advanced weaponry. Joint ventures such as Caspian Meteor (a partnership with Israeli defense firms) now manufacture drones and precision munitions directly on Azerbaijani soil.
Why build factories instead of simply buying missiles? The answer is strategic depth. By establishing a domestic military-industrial complex, Tel Aviv creates a secure logistical hub beyond the reach of the Resistance’s missiles in the Levant, yet close enough to conduct intelligence and surveillance operations against Iran’s sensitive infrastructure.
Reports repeatedly indicate that Azerbaijani airfields have been used by foreign intelligence agencies to monitor—and potentially target—Iran’s nuclear facilities.
The Sectarian Paradox: Why Is Baku Turning West?
For those unfamiliar with the region’s history, Azerbaijan presents a theological puzzle: a Shi’a-majority nation that rejects the political values of the Axis of Resistance. Unlike populations in Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen—who view faith as a mandate to confront imperial dominance—the ruling elite in Baku has embraced a rigid secularism inherited from the Soviet era and reinforced by Western capital.
The Aliyev administration views political Islam not as a shared heritage but as an existential threat to its dynastic rule. Thus, it has chosen to align with the Euro-Atlantic bloc. By suppressing religious movements (such as the Huseyniyyun) and labeling them “Iranian proxies,” Baku justifies its harsh security measures while simultaneously signaling loyalty to Washington and Brussels.
Its elite have effectively sold their geopolitical identity in exchange for being labeled the West’s “reliable partner” against Tehran and Moscow.
The Zangezur Corridor: A Dagger at the Border
The gravest current threat to regional stability is the so-called Zangezur Corridor. While Baku and Ankara market it as a commercial route connecting mainland Azerbaijan to the Nakhchivan exclave, its true geopolitical purpose is to sever the crucial artery linking Iran and Armenia.
If completed, the project would isolate Iran from the Black Sea and Russia, finalizing a NATO-backed encirclement of the Islamic Republic. This is not infrastructure—it is an economic and political blockade in disguise.
A Threat to Strategic Depth
Does Azerbaijan pose a threat to Iran and Iraq? Geography answers clearly: yes.
For the Axis of Resistance, Azerbaijan forms a northern front that drains attention and resources.
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1. Intelligence Operations: The Azerbaijani border has become an open passage for Mossad activity, facilitating the infiltration of sabotage and assassination teams into Iranian territory.
2. Separatism as a Weapon: Western think tanks and Israeli strategists continuously push the idea of “South Azerbaijan” (Iran’s northern provinces) to fuel separatist tendencies and weaken Iran from within.
3. A Logistical Bridge: In the event of a wider regional war, Azerbaijani airspace could become a transit corridor for hostile air forces, bypassing the heavily fortified air defense systems of the Persian Gulf.
📌 Conclusion
The factories rising today in Baku are not building tools of peace—they are forging a chain of constraints designed by Washington and Tel Aviv to encircle the Axis of Resistance. Ignoring the Caucasus is no longer an option.
The “Iron Fist” Baku boasts of is not meant only to secure its hold over Karabakh—it is being shaped into the imperial spearhead aimed at the heart of West Asia.
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🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
2. Separatism as a Weapon: Western think tanks and Israeli strategists continuously push the idea of “South Azerbaijan” (Iran’s northern provinces) to fuel separatist tendencies and weaken Iran from within.
3. A Logistical Bridge: In the event of a wider regional war, Azerbaijani airspace could become a transit corridor for hostile air forces, bypassing the heavily fortified air defense systems of the Persian Gulf.
The factories rising today in Baku are not building tools of peace—they are forging a chain of constraints designed by Washington and Tel Aviv to encircle the Axis of Resistance. Ignoring the Caucasus is no longer an option.
The “Iron Fist” Baku boasts of is not meant only to secure its hold over Karabakh—it is being shaped into the imperial spearhead aimed at the heart of West Asia.
.
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Lebanese politics is moving these days to the rhythm of a noteworthy visit by MP Ali Hassan Khalil, the political aide to Speaker Nabih Berri, to Tehran. The visit did not pass unnoticed, especially as it came at a tense political moment amid growing talk of a rift within the Shiite duo—Amal Movement and Hezbollah.
In the Iranian capital, Khalil met with Ali Larijani, head of the Supreme National Security Council and the official tasked by Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei with overseeing the Lebanese file, as well as Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and other senior officials. According to informed sources, the meetings were practical rather than ceremonial, with a clear focus on Lebanon’s trajectory in the coming months.
A Public Disagreement Between Amal and Hezbollah
The visit comes in the wake of an unprecedented divergence between the two parties over two key issues:
• The negotiation proposal supported by Speaker Berri and rejected by Hezbollah.
• The Egyptian initiative adopted by Berri and approved by the Lebanese state, while Hezbollah clearly rejected it.
Tensions increased further after Hezbollah sent a letter to the three top state officials, which some political circles described as “written with Iranian ink.” This prompted a corrective statement from the party reinstating Berri’s mandate over negotiation files in an attempt to contain the rift.
Why Tehran Now?
Prominent political sources describe the visit as “unusual in an unusual moment,” noting that Berri wanted to deliver a direct message to Iranian leadership:
“Lebanon can no longer endure; the situation is no longer sustainable.”
The sources highlight that although Berri is part of the Iranian axis, he still has the political margin to speak frankly with Tehran—unlike Hezbollah, which adheres strictly to Iranian directives and does not debate them. This makes the party less capable of conveying Lebanon’s reality as it truly is.
One Year After the Ceasefire… No Reconstruction, No Horizon
The visit comes just days before the first anniversary of the ceasefire in the South, against a bleak backdrop:
• No reconstruction.
• Continued Israeli bombardment.
• A suffocating siege on border villages.
• Israeli preparations for a new war “in various forms.”
Sources warn that any upcoming war would not strike “the party” alone, but the entire Shiite community—and possibly all of Lebanon—prompting Berri to sound the alarm.
What Did Berri’s Envoy Say in Tehran?
According to information circulating in political circles:
Khalil delivered a clear message:
“It is time to neutralize Lebanon. The country cannot withstand another war. A real exit strategy must be explored, including the future of Hezbollah’s weapons.”
Sources note that raising the ceiling in this way reflects the magnitude of fear within the Shiite community itself—fear of continued escalation and of Lebanon sliding into a confrontation that would break all red lines.
But the question remains: Is Tehran actually willing to change its approach?
Iran’s Calculations: A Risky Bet
Analysts suggest that Iran is still betting on:
• The possibility of opening negotiations with Washington at some point.
• The possibility that Israel may eventually be prepared to strike a deal related to the Lebanese front.
But sources close to decision-making circles in Beirut stress:
“Neither the Americans are coming, nor are the Israelis ready for any deal.”
If these assessments are correct, Iran’s continued reliance on this bet may push Lebanon toward a catastrophic scenario.
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The Observer
Conclusion: Lebanon at a Defining Crossroad
Khalil’s visit to Tehran was not a courtesy call. It was a clear attempt to pose a fateful question to Iranian leadership:
Can Lebanon be saved through de-escalation, or will the country remain a mailbox for regional conflicts?
The answer—still unclear—will determine:
• The future of the relationship between Amal and Hezbollah.
• Iran’s role in the Lebanese file.
🔵 Link to the article in Arabic
🖋 @observer_5
Khalil’s visit to Tehran was not a courtesy call. It was a clear attempt to pose a fateful question to Iranian leadership:
Can Lebanon be saved through de-escalation, or will the country remain a mailbox for regional conflicts?
The answer—still unclear—will determine:
• The future of the relationship between Amal and Hezbollah.
• Iran’s role in the Lebanese file.
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Ahmad Al-Hajjar, Lebanon’s Minister of Interior and Municipalities, discusses the Digital ID project at a time when concerns over data security and the protection of citizens’ information are on the rise.
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