Əbi bezgə əkiyətlər _______. – Grandma used to read us fairy tales.
Anonymous Quiz
22%
uqığan ide
25%
uqıy ide
49%
uqıy torğan ide
3%
uqığan
✍1👍1
Ul waqıtta min muzıka məktəbendə ________. – Back then I was studying at the music school.
Anonymous Quiz
41%
uqığan idem
30%
uqıy idem
23%
uqıy torğan idem
6%
uqığanmın
❤3
Bez tışqa çıqqaç yañğır inde ________. – When we went outside, the rain had already stopped.
Anonymous Quiz
69%
tuqtağan ide
13%
tuqtıy ide
4%
tuqtıy torğan ide
13%
tuqtağan
👍3❤1
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Forest Spirits – Podcast | Learn Tatar
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❤6
#tt_culture
Forest spirits
In the depths of dense forests reside mysterious creatures. We’ve already mentioned Şürəle before – possibly the most famous spirit of Tatar folklore. He is notorious for a tickling game that he starts after spotting someone, relentlessly tickling them to death.
But do you know him outside Ğabdulla Tuqay’s tale?
He has a peculiar fondness for riding horses. Villagers, seeking to deter him from exhausting and tormenting the animals, smear resin on horses’ backs. When Şürəle rides a resin-coated horse, he gets trapped, allowing villagers to capture and punish him. However, by doing that to Şürəle, they bring curse on themselves, which leads them to poverty.
Another tale tells of villagers burning Şürəle to get rid of him. However, it also brought them misfortune – a village got plagued by constant fires and the horse Şürəle rode vanished.
But he is not just this character that terrorizes people – he is the guardian of the forest, its protector, and if you don’t bother him, he won’t bother you. These stories suggest you not to mess with Şürəle in the first place, as it’s not easy to get rid of him without having some really bad luck. Just don’t go alone to the forest or get distracted there.
However, if you cross his path, here is what you do to save yourself: Şürəle is believed to be afraid of water, and legends suggest that jumping over a stream or river can be a way of escaping his clutches.
Another forest creature we’ve already introduced to you is Albastı – you can read a separate post about her here.
Ubır in Tatar folklore is an evil being believed to live within humans, a Tatar version of a vampire. When those with Ubır in them, known as ubırlı keşe, go to sleep, Ubır leaves the person and goes through the chimney as a fiery sphere, and takes the form of a pig, a black cat, or a dog. While not harmful to men, Ubır poses a significant threat to women. Villagers offer clever advice, such as keeping chimney flues closed.
Ubırlı keşe is often greedy and wicked, engaging in thefts at night. Ubır’s menace extends to livestock as well, causing illnesses and miscarriages. He can also inflict various ailments, such as making people ill or causing uncontrolled shouting. Catching him is challenging due to his ability to vanish quickly.
Another creature inhabiting Tatar forests is Örək. He resides where violent deaths occurred, especially where human blood was shed. Unlike Albastı and Ubır, Örək only appears as a person and is associated with the deceased. Some Tatars believe everyone has their own Örək, suggesting a deep cultural connection to the concept of the soul.
Also, different from the malicious Albastı and Ubır, Örək doesn't inflict significant harm but causes intense fear. Stories depict it occasionally disorienting people, but mostly, only murderers have a reason to be scared of it: Örək harasses the ones who killed someone, driving them insane. Despite its less harmful nature, Tatars fear encountering Örək near graves of violently deceased individuals, avoiding them or averting the spirit with harsh words if necessary.
_______________
Based on "Tatar mifologiyəse" by F. Urmançe
Forest spirits
In the depths of dense forests reside mysterious creatures. We’ve already mentioned Şürəle before – possibly the most famous spirit of Tatar folklore. He is notorious for a tickling game that he starts after spotting someone, relentlessly tickling them to death.
But do you know him outside Ğabdulla Tuqay’s tale?
He has a peculiar fondness for riding horses. Villagers, seeking to deter him from exhausting and tormenting the animals, smear resin on horses’ backs. When Şürəle rides a resin-coated horse, he gets trapped, allowing villagers to capture and punish him. However, by doing that to Şürəle, they bring curse on themselves, which leads them to poverty.
Another tale tells of villagers burning Şürəle to get rid of him. However, it also brought them misfortune – a village got plagued by constant fires and the horse Şürəle rode vanished.
But he is not just this character that terrorizes people – he is the guardian of the forest, its protector, and if you don’t bother him, he won’t bother you. These stories suggest you not to mess with Şürəle in the first place, as it’s not easy to get rid of him without having some really bad luck. Just don’t go alone to the forest or get distracted there.
However, if you cross his path, here is what you do to save yourself: Şürəle is believed to be afraid of water, and legends suggest that jumping over a stream or river can be a way of escaping his clutches.
Another forest creature we’ve already introduced to you is Albastı – you can read a separate post about her here.
Ubır in Tatar folklore is an evil being believed to live within humans, a Tatar version of a vampire. When those with Ubır in them, known as ubırlı keşe, go to sleep, Ubır leaves the person and goes through the chimney as a fiery sphere, and takes the form of a pig, a black cat, or a dog. While not harmful to men, Ubır poses a significant threat to women. Villagers offer clever advice, such as keeping chimney flues closed.
Ubırlı keşe is often greedy and wicked, engaging in thefts at night. Ubır’s menace extends to livestock as well, causing illnesses and miscarriages. He can also inflict various ailments, such as making people ill or causing uncontrolled shouting. Catching him is challenging due to his ability to vanish quickly.
Another creature inhabiting Tatar forests is Örək. He resides where violent deaths occurred, especially where human blood was shed. Unlike Albastı and Ubır, Örək only appears as a person and is associated with the deceased. Some Tatars believe everyone has their own Örək, suggesting a deep cultural connection to the concept of the soul.
Also, different from the malicious Albastı and Ubır, Örək doesn't inflict significant harm but causes intense fear. Stories depict it occasionally disorienting people, but mostly, only murderers have a reason to be scared of it: Örək harasses the ones who killed someone, driving them insane. Despite its less harmful nature, Tatars fear encountering Örək near graves of violently deceased individuals, avoiding them or averting the spirit with harsh words if necessary.
_______________
Based on "Tatar mifologiyəse" by F. Urmançe
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#tt_newbie
Negative suffix
Today, we’re diving into an essential aspect of Tatar grammar: the negative suffix. In Tatar, to make a verb negative, we add specific suffixes to the verb stem. Let’s take the verb yazu (to write) as an example. The verb stem is yaz-.
-MA / -MƏ
The most common suffix. It is used with:
🔺 Imperative mood
yaz – yazma (don’t write)
әyt – әytmә (don’t say)
🔺 Past Tense I and II
yazdı – yazmadı
yazğan – yazmağan (didn’t write)
🔺 Infinitive Form (Gerund)
yazu – yazmaw (not writing)
🔺 Conditional Mood
yazsa – yazmasa (if he/she does not write)
🔺 Future Tense II (mind the y after ma-/mə-))
yazaçaq – yazmayaçaq
MA-/MƏ- and MAS-/MƏS-
🔺 Future Tense I
min yazarmın – yazmam/yazmamın
sin yazırsıñ – yazmassıñ
ul yazır – yazmas
bez yazırbız – yazmabız
sez yazırsız – yazmassız
alar yazır(lar) – yazmas(lar)
-MIY / -Mİ
🔺 Present Tense
yaza – yazmıy (doesn’t write)
әytә – әytmi (doesn’t say)
🔺 Optative mood
yazıyq – yazmıyq (let’s not write)
Negative suffix
Today, we’re diving into an essential aspect of Tatar grammar: the negative suffix. In Tatar, to make a verb negative, we add specific suffixes to the verb stem. Let’s take the verb yazu (to write) as an example. The verb stem is yaz-.
-MA / -MƏ
The most common suffix. It is used with:
🔺 Imperative mood
yaz – yazma (don’t write)
әyt – әytmә (don’t say)
🔺 Past Tense I and II
yazdı – yazmadı
yazğan – yazmağan (didn’t write)
🔺 Infinitive Form (Gerund)
yazu – yazmaw (not writing)
🔺 Conditional Mood
yazsa – yazmasa (if he/she does not write)
🔺 Future Tense II (mind the y after ma-/mə-))
yazaçaq – yazmayaçaq
MA-/MƏ- and MAS-/MƏS-
🔺 Future Tense I
min yazarmın – yazmam/yazmamın
sin yazırsıñ – yazmassıñ
ul yazır – yazmas
bez yazırbız – yazmabız
sez yazırsız – yazmassız
alar yazır(lar) – yazmas(lar)
-MIY / -Mİ
🔺 Present Tense
yaza – yazmıy (doesn’t write)
әytә – әytmi (doesn’t say)
🔺 Optative mood
yazıyq – yazmıyq (let’s not write)
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#tt_beginner
Negative Pronouns
❌ Negative pronouns are formed by prefixing ber or hiç (not a, no) to interrogative pronouns:
berkem (də) / hiçkem – nobody, no one
bernərsə (də) / hiçnərsə – nothing
berni (də) / hiçni – nothing
berqayçan (da) / hiçqayçan – never
etc.
❌ Both categories of negative pronouns are synonymous and both require the predicate of the sentence to stand in the negative. Negative pronouns formed with ber are often used with the intensive particle da / də.
Negative pronouns may be formed only from interrogative pronouns the meaning of which permits this.
Min sinnən barı şunı ğına ütenəm: ... Berkemgə bernərsə söyləmə. (Kərim Əmiri, “Tañ waqıtı”)
I beg of you only this: ... Do not tell anybody anything.
Yılarlıq hiçnərsə bulğanı yuq. (Şərif Kamal, “Ut”)
Nothing has happened to cry about.
❌ Hiç, ber (or a united hiçber) and berəw dә may function independently as negative pronouns:
Min bolay dip hiç uylamağan idem, Rəüf iptəş... (Şərif Kamal, “Ut”)
I never thought that it was like this, friend Rəüf…
Tağın kiçkə xətle ber də söyləşmiçə eşlider idek. (Şərif Kamal, “Quray tawışı”)
Again we worked until evening without speaking at all.
Xatı nərsə turında buldı anıñ? Berəw də belməde. (Fatix Xösni, “Cəy başı”)
What was her letter about? No one knew.
Negative Pronouns
❌ Negative pronouns are formed by prefixing ber or hiç (not a, no) to interrogative pronouns:
berkem (də) / hiçkem – nobody, no one
bernərsə (də) / hiçnərsə – nothing
berni (də) / hiçni – nothing
berqayçan (da) / hiçqayçan – never
etc.
❌ Both categories of negative pronouns are synonymous and both require the predicate of the sentence to stand in the negative. Negative pronouns formed with ber are often used with the intensive particle da / də.
Negative pronouns may be formed only from interrogative pronouns the meaning of which permits this.
Min sinnən barı şunı ğına ütenəm: ... Berkemgə bernərsə söyləmə. (Kərim Əmiri, “Tañ waqıtı”)
I beg of you only this: ... Do not tell anybody anything.
Yılarlıq hiçnərsə bulğanı yuq. (Şərif Kamal, “Ut”)
Nothing has happened to cry about.
❌ Hiç, ber (or a united hiçber) and berəw dә may function independently as negative pronouns:
Min bolay dip hiç uylamağan idem, Rəüf iptəş... (Şərif Kamal, “Ut”)
I never thought that it was like this, friend Rəüf…
Tağın kiçkə xətle ber də söyləşmiçə eşlider idek. (Şərif Kamal, “Quray tawışı”)
Again we worked until evening without speaking at all.
Xatı nərsə turında buldı anıñ? Berəw də belməde. (Fatix Xösni, “Cəy başı”)
What was her letter about? No one knew.
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#tt_culture
Cıyın
During the post-sowing period, Tatars celebrated the May tawı or May başı festival, a unique event documented in the Uçalı district of Bashkortostan. This women's festival involved women from every village collectively ascending a nearby mountain on May 1st, bringing food and samovars, playing games, and rolling colored eggs down the hill to symbolically ward off illnesses.
Additionally, various Tatar groups practiced a collective sacrificial ritual, which aimed for fertility, livestock prosperity, and general well-being, often linked to appeasing celestial powers and addressing natural disasters like droughts. The sacrificial animals were bought with contributions from the community. The communal event involved men slaughtering the sacrificial animal, preparing a dense soup with meat and grains, followed by communal prayers, reflecting a fusion of pagan rituals and Muslim elements. Kerəşen Tatars made porridge, put it into bowls, made a pit in the middle, poured broth into it, and placed a piece of sacrificial meat on top. After the feast, villagers engaged in water rituals, washing dishes, and sometimes pouring water on each other.
Various terms were used to describe the ritual, such as korban and yañgır keləwe among Mishars. Kerəşennər called these rites qorman botqası or qır keləwe. Kazan Tatars – saban qorbanı or təkəle keləw.
The rain-calling rituals among Tatars varied but typically involved adults or children as main participants. A communal pot of mixed ingredients was used to prepare a porridge, often in open fields, followed by either communal prayers or traditional rituals. The culmination often included water dousing. Children recited:
Yañğır yaw, yaw, yaw
İləktən, çiləktən,
Pərəməçtən, küməçtən,
Bez sorıybız xodaydan
Arıştan, bodaydan.
Arışlarnıñ başları
Aç bulmasın, tuq bulsın.
This ritual has around 30 different names depending on the regions, among them yañğır botqası and telək aşı.
Cıyın
The celebration of Cıyın, a folk festival among Tatars, was typically held in the summer between spring fieldwork and haymaking. The festival names often reflected the villages' identity or local landmarks, and while many were linked to specific Muslim or hydrological events, others borrowed from Christian holidays.
There were two prevalent forms of celebration, both marked by a fixed period of communal festivity, hosting guests from neighboring villages and relatives. The timing was determined by local phenological signs rather than fixed dates: e.g. arış serkə oçırğanda (when the rye is in bloom) or sıyırçıq bala oçırğanda (when the starlings release their chicks from the nests). Each Cıyın region consisting of several villages and named after one of them, organized its own Cıyın.
Preparing for the first variant of Cıyın festival involved meticulous arrangements, with a focus on looking presentable. Traveling guests borrowed festive attire and horse equipment as needed. Each hostess brought treats like küməç, paştet and qaqlağan qaz, to share during the communal festivities. The arrival of guests and communal feasts took place on Thursday, munça (bath rituals) on Friday morning, and later mulla arrived to the aş (lunch) for males and his wife abıstay to the one for females. After the mulla and his wife left, the real party would start with several days of entertainment, even drinking of homemade beer or medovukha (a Slavic honey-based alcoholic beverage) and other deviations from Islamic norms.
Cıyın
During the post-sowing period, Tatars celebrated the May tawı or May başı festival, a unique event documented in the Uçalı district of Bashkortostan. This women's festival involved women from every village collectively ascending a nearby mountain on May 1st, bringing food and samovars, playing games, and rolling colored eggs down the hill to symbolically ward off illnesses.
Additionally, various Tatar groups practiced a collective sacrificial ritual, which aimed for fertility, livestock prosperity, and general well-being, often linked to appeasing celestial powers and addressing natural disasters like droughts. The sacrificial animals were bought with contributions from the community. The communal event involved men slaughtering the sacrificial animal, preparing a dense soup with meat and grains, followed by communal prayers, reflecting a fusion of pagan rituals and Muslim elements. Kerəşen Tatars made porridge, put it into bowls, made a pit in the middle, poured broth into it, and placed a piece of sacrificial meat on top. After the feast, villagers engaged in water rituals, washing dishes, and sometimes pouring water on each other.
Various terms were used to describe the ritual, such as korban and yañgır keləwe among Mishars. Kerəşennər called these rites qorman botqası or qır keləwe. Kazan Tatars – saban qorbanı or təkəle keləw.
The rain-calling rituals among Tatars varied but typically involved adults or children as main participants. A communal pot of mixed ingredients was used to prepare a porridge, often in open fields, followed by either communal prayers or traditional rituals. The culmination often included water dousing. Children recited:
Yañğır yaw, yaw, yaw
İləktən, çiləktən,
Pərəməçtən, küməçtən,
Bez sorıybız xodaydan
Arıştan, bodaydan.
Arışlarnıñ başları
Aç bulmasın, tuq bulsın.
This ritual has around 30 different names depending on the regions, among them yañğır botqası and telək aşı.
Cıyın
The celebration of Cıyın, a folk festival among Tatars, was typically held in the summer between spring fieldwork and haymaking. The festival names often reflected the villages' identity or local landmarks, and while many were linked to specific Muslim or hydrological events, others borrowed from Christian holidays.
There were two prevalent forms of celebration, both marked by a fixed period of communal festivity, hosting guests from neighboring villages and relatives. The timing was determined by local phenological signs rather than fixed dates: e.g. arış serkə oçırğanda (when the rye is in bloom) or sıyırçıq bala oçırğanda (when the starlings release their chicks from the nests). Each Cıyın region consisting of several villages and named after one of them, organized its own Cıyın.
Preparing for the first variant of Cıyın festival involved meticulous arrangements, with a focus on looking presentable. Traveling guests borrowed festive attire and horse equipment as needed. Each hostess brought treats like küməç, paştet and qaqlağan qaz, to share during the communal festivities. The arrival of guests and communal feasts took place on Thursday, munça (bath rituals) on Friday morning, and later mulla arrived to the aş (lunch) for males and his wife abıstay to the one for females. After the mulla and his wife left, the real party would start with several days of entertainment, even drinking of homemade beer or medovukha (a Slavic honey-based alcoholic beverage) and other deviations from Islamic norms.
❤11🔥2👏1
The atmosphere was marked by shared meals, celebrations, and the exchange of gifts among the Tatar villagers. In certain villages, the celebration of Cıyın involved gatherings in the forest with treats and games. These collective events included tügərək uyın (circle dances), taqlı uynaw (chasing games), and even facilitated ozın uyın, shared walks between young men and women. The most popular events were the Friday walks and celebrations, with specially organized fairs and markets where young men could buy treats or gifts for the ladies. The cırlı-biyüle uyınnar featured instrumental ensembles with harmonicas, violins, and traditional flutes – quray, showcasing the musical talents of the participants. Riding on horses and boats, along with games, were essential to the festivities.
The second variant of Cıyın in Tatar traditions was distinct from the first, often coinciding with fairs held in nearby Russian villages, named after Christian holidays. These celebrations were marked by horse racing, körəş, as well as playful competitions such as sack races and pot smashing, with a central focus on a lively fair. Interestingly, women did not attend this fair; only men, youth, and children participated. This variant was prevalent in certain Tatar regions, especially in Layış and Böre districts of Kazan and Ufa gubernias.
In Perm Tatar traditions, the Sabantuy summer festival closely resembled the second variant of the Cıyın celebration. Like the second variant, it coincided with fairs in neighboring Russian villages, involved the gathering of gifts, and featured competitions and festive gatherings lasting several days.
Clearly, Cıyın embodied the essence of community and family continuity: it's no wonder this festival was so beloved. Up until the 1920s, Cıyın was far more significant than Sabantuy. To eliminate Cıyın, Sabantuy was promoted instead. This ended the tradition of the multi-day community-oriented Cıyın, where people gathered between planting and haymaking to engage in leisurely social, Islamic and anti-Soviet discussions, relax, socialize, and arrange marriages, all of which were seen as a challenge to Soviet authority. Just like that, the Cıyın festival, once central to the culture of Tatar nomads, was unfortunately eradicated by the Bolsheviks and forgotten within two to three generations.
________________
Based on R. Urazmanova “Rites and holidays of Tatars of the Volga Region and Ural” 2001
The second variant of Cıyın in Tatar traditions was distinct from the first, often coinciding with fairs held in nearby Russian villages, named after Christian holidays. These celebrations were marked by horse racing, körəş, as well as playful competitions such as sack races and pot smashing, with a central focus on a lively fair. Interestingly, women did not attend this fair; only men, youth, and children participated. This variant was prevalent in certain Tatar regions, especially in Layış and Böre districts of Kazan and Ufa gubernias.
In Perm Tatar traditions, the Sabantuy summer festival closely resembled the second variant of the Cıyın celebration. Like the second variant, it coincided with fairs in neighboring Russian villages, involved the gathering of gifts, and featured competitions and festive gatherings lasting several days.
Clearly, Cıyın embodied the essence of community and family continuity: it's no wonder this festival was so beloved. Up until the 1920s, Cıyın was far more significant than Sabantuy. To eliminate Cıyın, Sabantuy was promoted instead. This ended the tradition of the multi-day community-oriented Cıyın, where people gathered between planting and haymaking to engage in leisurely social, Islamic and anti-Soviet discussions, relax, socialize, and arrange marriages, all of which were seen as a challenge to Soviet authority. Just like that, the Cıyın festival, once central to the culture of Tatar nomads, was unfortunately eradicated by the Bolsheviks and forgotten within two to three generations.
________________
Based on R. Urazmanova “Rites and holidays of Tatars of the Volga Region and Ural” 2001
❤11🔥2👏1
#tt_intermediate
Basically, allegedly, anyhow…
A parenthetical expression, whether a word or a phrase, is inserted into a sentence without being necessary for its grammatical completeness. However, they are frequently used in speech, and incorporating them into your own can make you sound super fluent!
➕You probably already know these basic ones, but let’s just go over all of them to have a full collection:
əlbəttə – of course
bəlki – maybe
mömkin – might be / possible
axrı, axrısı – it seems / I guess
imeş – they say, allegedly
məsələn – for example
minemçə – in my opinion
sineñçə – in your opinion
alaysa – if so, in that case, then
dimək – so / that is
bəxetkə – fortunately
Allahqa şöker – thank God
qızğanıçqa / qızğanıç ki – unfortunately
➕You can add the following to your vocabulary to enrich it:
yənəse – supposedly, allegedly
şət – hopefully / perhaps
ixtimal – possibly, probably
şiksez, hiçşiksez – without a doubt
çınnan da, çınlap ta – really, indeed, truly
bilgele – of course / as we know
kürəseñ – evidently, apparently
xəyer – well / okay
süz uñayınnan – by the way
qısqası – in short, to sum up
qısqaça (əytkəndə), qısqaça itep əytkəndə – in short, in brief
cıyıp əytkəndə – to sum up
ber süz belən əytkəndə – in a word, in a nutshell
nigezdə – in general
ğomümən – in general
döresrəge – more precisely
başqaça əytkəndə – in other words
döresen əytkəndə / turısın əytkəndə – to tell the truth
əytergə mömkin – one can say
əytergə kirək – one must say
əytik, faraz itik – let’s say / let’s assume
➕ More useful words and phrases:
hərxəldə – anyhow, in any case
şulay itep – so, in this manner
nikter, ni öçender – for some reason
şul isəptən – including
misal öçen – for example
ğədəttəgeçə – as usual
kiresençə – on the contrary
berençedən – firstly
ikençedən – secondly
nihayət – finally
Basically, allegedly, anyhow…
A parenthetical expression, whether a word or a phrase, is inserted into a sentence without being necessary for its grammatical completeness. However, they are frequently used in speech, and incorporating them into your own can make you sound super fluent!
➕You probably already know these basic ones, but let’s just go over all of them to have a full collection:
əlbəttə – of course
bəlki – maybe
mömkin – might be / possible
axrı, axrısı – it seems / I guess
imeş – they say, allegedly
məsələn – for example
minemçə – in my opinion
sineñçə – in your opinion
alaysa – if so, in that case, then
dimək – so / that is
bəxetkə – fortunately
Allahqa şöker – thank God
qızğanıçqa / qızğanıç ki – unfortunately
➕You can add the following to your vocabulary to enrich it:
yənəse – supposedly, allegedly
şət – hopefully / perhaps
ixtimal – possibly, probably
şiksez, hiçşiksez – without a doubt
çınnan da, çınlap ta – really, indeed, truly
bilgele – of course / as we know
kürəseñ – evidently, apparently
xəyer – well / okay
süz uñayınnan – by the way
qısqası – in short, to sum up
qısqaça (əytkəndə), qısqaça itep əytkəndə – in short, in brief
cıyıp əytkəndə – to sum up
ber süz belən əytkəndə – in a word, in a nutshell
nigezdə – in general
ğomümən – in general
döresrəge – more precisely
başqaça əytkəndə – in other words
döresen əytkəndə / turısın əytkəndə – to tell the truth
əytergə mömkin – one can say
əytergə kirək – one must say
əytik, faraz itik – let’s say / let’s assume
➕ More useful words and phrases:
hərxəldə – anyhow, in any case
şulay itep – so, in this manner
nikter, ni öçender – for some reason
şul isəptən – including
misal öçen – for example
ğədəttəgeçə – as usual
kiresençə – on the contrary
berençedən – firstly
ikençedən – secondly
nihayət – finally
❤18👍6🔥2
#tt_advanced
Modes of action
In Tatar, various verb forms express different modes of action. Here’s a detailed guide to help you understand these nuances:
1. Repeating Certain Verb Forms
a) Verbal Adverbs ending in -a, -ə, -ıy, -i
These forms are used to emphasize continuous or iterative actions.
bara-bara (going continuously)
eşli-eşli (working continuously)
b) Verbal Adverbs with -p, -ıp, -ep
Used for actions repeated frequently or continuously.
qıçqırıp-qıçqırıp (shouting repeatedly)
eşləp-eşləp (working repeatedly)
c) Conjugated Verb Forms
Repeated to express emphatic continuous, constant, or iterative actions. They are mostly connected by the particle (conjunction) da, də, ta, tə. They can also be repeated without these particles and connected by a hyphen in writing.
yazam da yazam (I write and write)
2. Frequentative Verbs with Suffixes
Frequentative verbs indicate actions that are repeated. These are formed using specific suffixes:
-ğala, -gələ, -qala, -kələ, -ştır, -şter, -ıştır, -eşter
a) Regular Repetition:
barğala (go repeatedly, habitually)
b) Partial or Incomplete Actions:
eşlәşter (work a bit)
Passive, reflexive and reciprocal verbs can also be turned into modes of action:
passive: işetelgəli (is repeatedly heard, audible)
reflexive: qızıqsınğalıy (always remains interested)
reciprocal: yazışqalıylar (they write each other repeatedly)
Ə sez bu formanı qullanğalıysızmı? Kommentlarda yazığızçı!
Modes of action
In Tatar, various verb forms express different modes of action. Here’s a detailed guide to help you understand these nuances:
1. Repeating Certain Verb Forms
a) Verbal Adverbs ending in -a, -ə, -ıy, -i
These forms are used to emphasize continuous or iterative actions.
bara-bara (going continuously)
eşli-eşli (working continuously)
b) Verbal Adverbs with -p, -ıp, -ep
Used for actions repeated frequently or continuously.
qıçqırıp-qıçqırıp (shouting repeatedly)
eşləp-eşləp (working repeatedly)
c) Conjugated Verb Forms
Repeated to express emphatic continuous, constant, or iterative actions. They are mostly connected by the particle (conjunction) da, də, ta, tə. They can also be repeated without these particles and connected by a hyphen in writing.
yazam da yazam (I write and write)
2. Frequentative Verbs with Suffixes
Frequentative verbs indicate actions that are repeated. These are formed using specific suffixes:
-ğala, -gələ, -qala, -kələ, -ştır, -şter, -ıştır, -eşter
a) Regular Repetition:
barğala (go repeatedly, habitually)
b) Partial or Incomplete Actions:
eşlәşter (work a bit)
Passive, reflexive and reciprocal verbs can also be turned into modes of action:
passive: işetelgəli (is repeatedly heard, audible)
reflexive: qızıqsınğalıy (always remains interested)
reciprocal: yazışqalıylar (they write each other repeatedly)
Ə sez bu formanı qullanğalıysızmı? Kommentlarda yazığızçı!
👍10❤9
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So happy to announce we have a website now! 🎉🎊
Welcome to learntatar.com! Whether you want to navigate the existing topics more easily and study at your laptop, or share it with someone who doesn't have Telegram, all engagement is highly welcomed! The website will be updated along with the Telegram adding new posts, so it's a work in progress. It's my very first time making a website, so don't judge me too much 😅
Welcome to learntatar.com! Whether you want to navigate the existing topics more easily and study at your laptop, or share it with someone who doesn't have Telegram, all engagement is highly welcomed! The website will be updated along with the Telegram adding new posts, so it's a work in progress. It's my very first time making a website, so don't judge me too much 😅
❤40🔥9👍4👏1
#tt_newbie
Numbers and counting
We have a new topic. Yes, when you learn any language, there comes a time for numbers – the most boring topic in the world… Although let’s admit, we Turkic people are weirdly obsessed with numbers, starting to count in front of any other Turkic person to show them we speak their language! If you want to do this trick using Tatar on your vacation in Türkiye, repeat after me:
1 – ber
2 – ike
3 – öç
4 – dürt
5 – biş
6 – altı
7 – cide
8 – sigez
9 – tuğız
10 – un
You can’t make numbers more exciting, unless maybe you’re Superalisa. Here is a song for you to memorize some numbers in Tatar.
And the list goes on:
11 – unber
12 – unike
…
20 – yegerme
21 – yegerme ber
22 – yegerme ike
…
30 – utız
40 – qırıq
50 – ille
60 – altmış
70 – citmeş
80 – siksən
90 – tuqsan
100 – yöz
200 – ike yöz
300 – öç yöz
…
1000 – meñ
Note that when a number is followed by a noun, the plural suffixes are not used.
ike dus – two friends
unbiş yəş(tә) – fifteen years (old)
biş kitap – five books
Ordinal numerals answer the question niçənçe? “which (number)?” and are formed using the number and adding -(ı)nçı or -(e)nçe:
1st – berençe
2nd – ikençe
3rd – öçençe
4th – dürtençe
5th – bişençe
6th – altınçı
7th – cidençe
8th – sigezençe
9th – tuğızınçı
10th – unınçı
…
21st – yegerme berençe
You can practice your knowledge by playing these games:
1-12, 13-20, 0-100
That’s it! Learn these numbers and it’s all gonna be super good 😉
Numbers and counting
We have a new topic. Yes, when you learn any language, there comes a time for numbers – the most boring topic in the world… Although let’s admit, we Turkic people are weirdly obsessed with numbers, starting to count in front of any other Turkic person to show them we speak their language! If you want to do this trick using Tatar on your vacation in Türkiye, repeat after me:
1 – ber
2 – ike
3 – öç
4 – dürt
5 – biş
6 – altı
7 – cide
8 – sigez
9 – tuğız
10 – un
You can’t make numbers more exciting, unless maybe you’re Superalisa. Here is a song for you to memorize some numbers in Tatar.
And the list goes on:
11 – unber
12 – unike
…
20 – yegerme
21 – yegerme ber
22 – yegerme ike
…
30 – utız
40 – qırıq
50 – ille
60 – altmış
70 – citmeş
80 – siksən
90 – tuqsan
100 – yöz
200 – ike yöz
300 – öç yöz
…
1000 – meñ
Note that when a number is followed by a noun, the plural suffixes are not used.
ike dus – two friends
unbiş yəş(tә) – fifteen years (old)
biş kitap – five books
Ordinal numerals answer the question niçənçe? “which (number)?” and are formed using the number and adding -(ı)nçı or -(e)nçe:
1st – berençe
2nd – ikençe
3rd – öçençe
4th – dürtençe
5th – bişençe
6th – altınçı
7th – cidençe
8th – sigezençe
9th – tuğızınçı
10th – unınçı
…
21st – yegerme berençe
You can practice your knowledge by playing these games:
1-12, 13-20, 0-100
That’s it! Learn these numbers and it’s all gonna be super good 😉
YouTube
SUPERALISA - TATARSTAN SUPERGOOD (2004)
СУПЕРАЛИСА - ТАТАРСТАН СУПЕРГУД (2004)
❤22👍2👏2😎1
#tt_beginner
A little / a lot
Indefinite numeral adjectives refer to an unspecified number, amount, quantity, or measure of persons, animals, things, ideas, etc., in a general and indefinite manner.
küp – many, much
bik küp – a lot, very much
şaqtıy küp – rather many, rather much
az / əz – little, few, a bit
beraz – a little, a few, some
baytaq – quite some
şaqtıy – quite (a lot)
Az wəğdə bir, küp eş kürsət. (Nəqi İsənbət, “Tatar xalıq məqəlləre”)
Give few promises, show much work.
Öydən iñ elek Wasil çıqtı. Ləkin aña qapqa töbendə qıznı baytaq waqıt kötərgə turı kilde. (Söbbux Rafikov, “Tın yılğa buyında”)
Wasil left the house first. But he had to wait for the girl quite some time at the gate.
These adjectives can function both as attributive adjectives and as nouns.
Qışnıñ salqınlığın alar sizmilər kebek. Küplərneñ çəçləre, qaşları bəsləngən ... (Söbbux Rafikov, “Tın yılğa buyında”)
They do not seem to feel the winter cold. The hair and eyebrows of many (of them) have become covered with rime ...
A: Sələm, Sara!
B: Səlam!
A: Köneñ niçek ütə?
B: Bik məşəqətle. Küp cıyılışlar həm biremnər.
A: Awırdır şul. Minem də bik küp eş bar ide, əmma irtərək tamamlıy aldım.
B: Şəp. Min də şulay dip əytə alsam ide! Minem əle eşem şaqtıy küp.
A: Yərdəm kirəkme? Minem buş waqıtım bar iç.
B: Bik yaxşı bulır ide! Baytaq xatlarğa cawap birəsem bar həm beraz dokumentlarnı ərcələrgə tutırırğa kirək.
A: Min tutıra alam, sin xatlarnı qara, yəme?
B: Rəxmət siña, İnsaf. Şundıy ozın kön buldı, kiçə də əz yoqladım, bügen bigrək arıdım.
A: İsən bul. Əydə, Allahqa tapşırdıq. Eşkə totınıyq, tizrək betererbez.
________________
A: Hey Sara!
B: Hi!
A: How's your day going?
B: It’s been quite busy. I've had many meetings and tasks to handle.
A: That sounds intense. I had a lot of work to do as well, but I managed to finish early.
B: That's great! I wish I could say the same. I've still got quite a lot of things to do.
A: Do you need any help? I have some free time now.
B: That would be wonderful! I've got quite some emails to respond to and a few documents to put away into boxes.
A: I can handle the sorting, you take care of the documents, okay?
B: Thanks a lot, İnsaf. It's been a long day, I had little sleep yesterday, and I'm feeling tired today.
A: No problem. (Good luck to us). Let's get started so we can finish everything quicker.
A little / a lot
Indefinite numeral adjectives refer to an unspecified number, amount, quantity, or measure of persons, animals, things, ideas, etc., in a general and indefinite manner.
küp – many, much
bik küp – a lot, very much
şaqtıy küp – rather many, rather much
az / əz – little, few, a bit
beraz – a little, a few, some
baytaq – quite some
şaqtıy – quite (a lot)
Az wəğdə bir, küp eş kürsət. (Nəqi İsənbət, “Tatar xalıq məqəlləre”)
Give few promises, show much work.
Öydən iñ elek Wasil çıqtı. Ləkin aña qapqa töbendə qıznı baytaq waqıt kötərgə turı kilde. (Söbbux Rafikov, “Tın yılğa buyında”)
Wasil left the house first. But he had to wait for the girl quite some time at the gate.
These adjectives can function both as attributive adjectives and as nouns.
Qışnıñ salqınlığın alar sizmilər kebek. Küplərneñ çəçləre, qaşları bəsləngən ... (Söbbux Rafikov, “Tın yılğa buyında”)
They do not seem to feel the winter cold. The hair and eyebrows of many (of them) have become covered with rime ...
A: Sələm, Sara!
B: Səlam!
A: Köneñ niçek ütə?
B: Bik məşəqətle. Küp cıyılışlar həm biremnər.
A: Awırdır şul. Minem də bik küp eş bar ide, əmma irtərək tamamlıy aldım.
B: Şəp. Min də şulay dip əytə alsam ide! Minem əle eşem şaqtıy küp.
A: Yərdəm kirəkme? Minem buş waqıtım bar iç.
B: Bik yaxşı bulır ide! Baytaq xatlarğa cawap birəsem bar həm beraz dokumentlarnı ərcələrgə tutırırğa kirək.
A: Min tutıra alam, sin xatlarnı qara, yəme?
B: Rəxmət siña, İnsaf. Şundıy ozın kön buldı, kiçə də əz yoqladım, bügen bigrək arıdım.
A: İsən bul. Əydə, Allahqa tapşırdıq. Eşkə totınıyq, tizrək betererbez.
________________
A: Hey Sara!
B: Hi!
A: How's your day going?
B: It’s been quite busy. I've had many meetings and tasks to handle.
A: That sounds intense. I had a lot of work to do as well, but I managed to finish early.
B: That's great! I wish I could say the same. I've still got quite a lot of things to do.
A: Do you need any help? I have some free time now.
B: That would be wonderful! I've got quite some emails to respond to and a few documents to put away into boxes.
A: I can handle the sorting, you take care of the documents, okay?
B: Thanks a lot, İnsaf. It's been a long day, I had little sleep yesterday, and I'm feeling tired today.
A: No problem. (Good luck to us). Let's get started so we can finish everything quicker.
❤15👍2🥰1👏1
#tt_intermediate
More numbers
🧮 Fractional Numbers
In Tatar, the denominator of a fraction is stated before the numerator. The numerator is in the nominative case, while the denominator is in the ablative case. For instance:
1/3: öçtən ber
0,7: unnan cide
0,33: yözdən utız öç
When a whole number comes before a fraction, it is expressed with the cardinal number followed by böten (meaning "whole").
5,75: biş böten yözdən citmeş biş
8,1: sigez böten unnan ber
"Half" can be expressed by either yartı or yarım. Yartı is used by itself, while yarım appears in compound numbers.
yartı ay – half a month
xalıqnıñ yartısı – half of the people
atnanıñ berençe yartısı – the first half of the week
1,5 – ber yarım
2,5 – ike yarım
ber yarım səğət = səğət yarım = 1,5 hours
"Quarter" is expressed by çirek:
ber çirek – one quarter
öç çirek – three quarters
🧮 Multiplicative Numbers
Multiplicative numbers answer the question "How many times?" They are formed by combining cardinal numbers, fractions, ordinals, distributive numbers, indefinite numeral adjectives, and approximative numbers with terms like tapqır, mərtəbə, and qat:
ber tapqır (mərtəbə, qat) – once
küp tapqır – many times
🧮 Approximative Numbers
Approximative numbers indicate an estimated quantity and answer the question "Approximately how many?" The most common way to form them is by adding the suffixes -lap/-ləp to cardinal numbers.
bişləp – about five
yegermeləp – about twenty
💡 Other methods to form approximative numbers include:
Combining two cardinal numbers:
ike-öç – two-three
Using plural endings: -lar/-lər/-nar/-nər:
səğət dürtlərdə – around four o'clock
By adding the suffixes -lağan or -ləgən to the cardinal numbers un, yöz, meñ, un meñ, yöz meñ, million, as well as to distə, yözər and meñər.
unlağan, distələgən – tens
yözləgən, yözərləgən – hundreds
meñləgən, meñərləgən – thousand
millionlağan – millions
🧮 Distributive Numbers
Distributive numbers are used to denote quantitatively uniform groups and answer the question "How many each?" They are formed by adding the suffixes -ar/-ər (after consonants) and -şar/-şər (after vowels) to cardinal numbers.
berər – one each
ikeşər – two each
öçər – three each
dürtər – four each
🧮 Collective Numbers
Collective numbers express the combined total of several objects into one group and answer the question "How many?". They are formed by adding the suffixes -aw/-əw to cardinal numbers, removing the final vowel of the number.
berəw – one
ikəw – two
öçəw – three
dürtəw – four
bişəw – five
altaw – six
cidəw – seven
sigezəw – eight
tuğızaw – nine
unaw – ten
Collective numbers may take the suffixes -lap, -ləp, -laşıp, -ləşep. They emphasize the number of persons or things in a group.
ikəwləşep baralar – they go as a couple
dürtəwləp baralar – they go in a group of four
More numbers
🧮 Fractional Numbers
In Tatar, the denominator of a fraction is stated before the numerator. The numerator is in the nominative case, while the denominator is in the ablative case. For instance:
1/3: öçtən ber
0,7: unnan cide
0,33: yözdən utız öç
When a whole number comes before a fraction, it is expressed with the cardinal number followed by böten (meaning "whole").
5,75: biş böten yözdən citmeş biş
8,1: sigez böten unnan ber
"Half" can be expressed by either yartı or yarım. Yartı is used by itself, while yarım appears in compound numbers.
yartı ay – half a month
xalıqnıñ yartısı – half of the people
atnanıñ berençe yartısı – the first half of the week
1,5 – ber yarım
2,5 – ike yarım
ber yarım səğət = səğət yarım = 1,5 hours
"Quarter" is expressed by çirek:
ber çirek – one quarter
öç çirek – three quarters
🧮 Multiplicative Numbers
Multiplicative numbers answer the question "How many times?" They are formed by combining cardinal numbers, fractions, ordinals, distributive numbers, indefinite numeral adjectives, and approximative numbers with terms like tapqır, mərtəbə, and qat:
ber tapqır (mərtəbə, qat) – once
küp tapqır – many times
🧮 Approximative Numbers
Approximative numbers indicate an estimated quantity and answer the question "Approximately how many?" The most common way to form them is by adding the suffixes -lap/-ləp to cardinal numbers.
bişləp – about five
yegermeləp – about twenty
💡 Other methods to form approximative numbers include:
Combining two cardinal numbers:
ike-öç – two-three
Using plural endings: -lar/-lər/-nar/-nər:
səğət dürtlərdə – around four o'clock
By adding the suffixes -lağan or -ləgən to the cardinal numbers un, yöz, meñ, un meñ, yöz meñ, million, as well as to distə, yözər and meñər.
unlağan, distələgən – tens
yözləgən, yözərləgən – hundreds
meñləgən, meñərləgən – thousand
millionlağan – millions
🧮 Distributive Numbers
Distributive numbers are used to denote quantitatively uniform groups and answer the question "How many each?" They are formed by adding the suffixes -ar/-ər (after consonants) and -şar/-şər (after vowels) to cardinal numbers.
berər – one each
ikeşər – two each
öçər – three each
dürtər – four each
🧮 Collective Numbers
Collective numbers express the combined total of several objects into one group and answer the question "How many?". They are formed by adding the suffixes -aw/-əw to cardinal numbers, removing the final vowel of the number.
berəw – one
ikəw – two
öçəw – three
dürtəw – four
bişəw – five
altaw – six
cidəw – seven
sigezəw – eight
tuğızaw – nine
unaw – ten
Collective numbers may take the suffixes -lap, -ləp, -laşıp, -ləşep. They emphasize the number of persons or things in a group.
ikəwləşep baralar – they go as a couple
dürtəwləp baralar – they go in a group of four
🔥6✍5❤4👍3👏1
#tt_advanced
Kəcül çitek
After a little break I’m bringing you a short story by Ğayaz İsxaqi. It’s a 15-20 minute read, so it won’t take you long to finish it and let me know your thoughts!
How do you feel about the characters and their actions? Do you recognize some of the phrases or actions as familiar, maybe from your personal experience growing up? 🤔
Kəcül çitek
After a little break I’m bringing you a short story by Ğayaz İsxaqi. It’s a 15-20 minute read, so it won’t take you long to finish it and let me know your thoughts!
How do you feel about the characters and their actions? Do you recognize some of the phrases or actions as familiar, maybe from your personal experience growing up? 🤔
Telegraph
Kəcül Çitek (Ğayaz İsxaqi)
Minem əti bügen Qazannan qayta. Ulmı? Ul miña saplı qalaç kiterə. Annarı miña çitek kiterə. Ör-yaña çitek. Anıñ sawrısı sineñ apañnıñ namazlıq çigə torğan ürnəge kebek çəçəkle bula. Anıñ oltanı bolğar oltanı, qırıyınnan kiselgən. Yarıp uq kiselgən. Üze qıp…
❤20
#tt_culture
Sacred numbers in Tatar funerals
While not a lighthearted subject, death and funerals are inevitable aspects of life, and each culture has unique rituals and traditions for saying farewell to departed loved ones. There are, of course, different rituals in Muslim and Christian (kerəşen) Tatar communities.
Before burial, elderly individuals in Muslim Tatar culture prepare for death in advance, with each homemaker assembling essential items for their own and their spouse's "funeral kit" or ülemtekkə. This kit includes materials for burial attire, known as kəfenlek, consisting of white cotton fabric measuring 12-18 meters, along with towels, some of which were traditionally handwoven until the 1970s. Additionally, the kit contains items for distribution as a charity, known as sadaqa, which varied over the years and included inexpensive fabrics, shirts, scarves, socks, and purchased towels. When a Tatar senses impending death, a mullah is invited into the home to recite Surah Yasin over the dying person.
When the dying person finally breathes their last breath, an iron object is placed on their chest – most often scissors or a nail. According to ancient Tatar pagan belief, evil spirits fear iron, so there must be a sharp iron object near the deceased to ward off evil spirits. After this, the body is covered with a white cloth, and the face is covered with a towel.
The morning after a death in a Muslim Tatar village sees young men heading to dig the grave, often chosen where relatives rest. The grave, outlined by a traditional towel, is meticulously dug, with a side niche called ləxet. Women prepare for washing and dressing the deceased as outlined in the Sharia, with communal tools stored in small sheds at cemeteries. The ritual washing begins after receiving news that the grave is ready. The deceased is washed by gender-matched individuals, with specific roles assigned during the process. After washing, the deceased is wrapped in a shroud (kəfen) and placed on a stretcher. The funeral procession, mostly consisting of men, heads to the cemetery, carrying the deceased head-first for a final viewing of familiar places and conducts a special prayer, cınaza namazı, after which, to protect against an evil spirit known as cen, Tatars avoid looking back on the return from the cemetery. Women play a significant role in post-burial rituals, distributing symbolic gifts, and offering "grave charity" (gür sadaqası). During and after the burial, excessive showcasing of grief is also believed to attract cen. While most of these traditions persist, nowadays women often also attend the burial ritual to see off their loved ones.
In Tatar culture, as in many other cultures, numbers carry cultural and symbolic significance. Specific numbers are often linked to particular meanings, beliefs, and rituals. Memorial rituals include modest commemorations on the third (öçese) and seventh days (cidese) by men and women separately, elaborate ceremonies on the fortieth day (qırığı) where both men and women are invited, and after a year (yılı). The Tatar burial ritual contains many pagan elements: Tatars believe that within 40 days of death, a human soul can return home in the form of a bird or butterfly. Some practices, like leaving gates open at night and keeping lights on, are believed to guide the soul.
These days and numbers are important to many Turkic peoples, and research shows that they come from Zoroastrianism. The number three is one of the most widespread sacred numbers in the cultures of the world. Some researchers attribute the interpretation of three as a symbol of absolute perfection, representing an ideal structure with a distinct beginning, middle, and end. Another explanation ties back to cosmological beliefs, where ancient perceptions of upper, middle, and lower worlds led to the principle of triad. Number seven is also deemed a significant number by many peoples, with the celestial and the subterranean world being divided into seven layers.
Sacred numbers in Tatar funerals
While not a lighthearted subject, death and funerals are inevitable aspects of life, and each culture has unique rituals and traditions for saying farewell to departed loved ones. There are, of course, different rituals in Muslim and Christian (kerəşen) Tatar communities.
Before burial, elderly individuals in Muslim Tatar culture prepare for death in advance, with each homemaker assembling essential items for their own and their spouse's "funeral kit" or ülemtekkə. This kit includes materials for burial attire, known as kəfenlek, consisting of white cotton fabric measuring 12-18 meters, along with towels, some of which were traditionally handwoven until the 1970s. Additionally, the kit contains items for distribution as a charity, known as sadaqa, which varied over the years and included inexpensive fabrics, shirts, scarves, socks, and purchased towels. When a Tatar senses impending death, a mullah is invited into the home to recite Surah Yasin over the dying person.
When the dying person finally breathes their last breath, an iron object is placed on their chest – most often scissors or a nail. According to ancient Tatar pagan belief, evil spirits fear iron, so there must be a sharp iron object near the deceased to ward off evil spirits. After this, the body is covered with a white cloth, and the face is covered with a towel.
The morning after a death in a Muslim Tatar village sees young men heading to dig the grave, often chosen where relatives rest. The grave, outlined by a traditional towel, is meticulously dug, with a side niche called ləxet. Women prepare for washing and dressing the deceased as outlined in the Sharia, with communal tools stored in small sheds at cemeteries. The ritual washing begins after receiving news that the grave is ready. The deceased is washed by gender-matched individuals, with specific roles assigned during the process. After washing, the deceased is wrapped in a shroud (kəfen) and placed on a stretcher. The funeral procession, mostly consisting of men, heads to the cemetery, carrying the deceased head-first for a final viewing of familiar places and conducts a special prayer, cınaza namazı, after which, to protect against an evil spirit known as cen, Tatars avoid looking back on the return from the cemetery. Women play a significant role in post-burial rituals, distributing symbolic gifts, and offering "grave charity" (gür sadaqası). During and after the burial, excessive showcasing of grief is also believed to attract cen. While most of these traditions persist, nowadays women often also attend the burial ritual to see off their loved ones.
In Tatar culture, as in many other cultures, numbers carry cultural and symbolic significance. Specific numbers are often linked to particular meanings, beliefs, and rituals. Memorial rituals include modest commemorations on the third (öçese) and seventh days (cidese) by men and women separately, elaborate ceremonies on the fortieth day (qırığı) where both men and women are invited, and after a year (yılı). The Tatar burial ritual contains many pagan elements: Tatars believe that within 40 days of death, a human soul can return home in the form of a bird or butterfly. Some practices, like leaving gates open at night and keeping lights on, are believed to guide the soul.
These days and numbers are important to many Turkic peoples, and research shows that they come from Zoroastrianism. The number three is one of the most widespread sacred numbers in the cultures of the world. Some researchers attribute the interpretation of three as a symbol of absolute perfection, representing an ideal structure with a distinct beginning, middle, and end. Another explanation ties back to cosmological beliefs, where ancient perceptions of upper, middle, and lower worlds led to the principle of triad. Number seven is also deemed a significant number by many peoples, with the celestial and the subterranean world being divided into seven layers.
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Traditional elements like Quran readings, symbolic gifts, and sacrificial animals persist to this day. While most Tatars unify these practices, regional variations involve different numbers of guests and special memorial dishes, based on financial status, family size, and local traditions.
Tatar memorial rituals begin with a prayer, where attendees dedicate thoughts to the deceased while counting prayer beads (təsbix). A Mullah or anyone else may recite Quranic verses, concluding with bağışlaw, a dedication, and the distribution of sadaqa. The prayer session is followed by a feast, with the traditional sequence including soup, boiled meat with potatoes, and a tea ceremony expressing gratitude.
In the Soviet era, non-Muslim elements like burying the deceased in regular clothing, using open caskets, and involving brass bands in funeral processions gained popularity, especially in urban areas. Tatar cemeteries were traditionally located near settlements, sometimes beyond rivers to prevent ancestral spirits from causing disturbances. With superstitions waning, newer cemeteries emerged, often resulting in multiple burial grounds around large villages. Abandoned cemeteries held special reverence and were termed iske ziyarat, even when no visible signs of burials remained.
Grave traditions evolved from minimal care to wooden monuments and metal fences adorned with crescent moons. Epigraphic monuments from the 13th century reflect Tatar history, undergoing phases of flourishing and decline, with a persistent tradition of creating and preserving Tatar Muslim cemeteries.
________________
Urazmanova, "Festive Culture and Culture of Holidays among Tatars in the 20th - early 20th centuries"
Zagidulina, "Number Symbolism in the Tatar Folk Tales"
Tatar memorial rituals begin with a prayer, where attendees dedicate thoughts to the deceased while counting prayer beads (təsbix). A Mullah or anyone else may recite Quranic verses, concluding with bağışlaw, a dedication, and the distribution of sadaqa. The prayer session is followed by a feast, with the traditional sequence including soup, boiled meat with potatoes, and a tea ceremony expressing gratitude.
In the Soviet era, non-Muslim elements like burying the deceased in regular clothing, using open caskets, and involving brass bands in funeral processions gained popularity, especially in urban areas. Tatar cemeteries were traditionally located near settlements, sometimes beyond rivers to prevent ancestral spirits from causing disturbances. With superstitions waning, newer cemeteries emerged, often resulting in multiple burial grounds around large villages. Abandoned cemeteries held special reverence and were termed iske ziyarat, even when no visible signs of burials remained.
Grave traditions evolved from minimal care to wooden monuments and metal fences adorned with crescent moons. Epigraphic monuments from the 13th century reflect Tatar history, undergoing phases of flourishing and decline, with a persistent tradition of creating and preserving Tatar Muslim cemeteries.
________________
Urazmanova, "Festive Culture and Culture of Holidays among Tatars in the 20th - early 20th centuries"
Zagidulina, "Number Symbolism in the Tatar Folk Tales"
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#tt_newbie
Asking for the time
⏳ Basic time expressions:
yıl – year
ay – month
atna – week
kön – day
səğət – hour, watch
minut – minute
sekund – second
mizgel – moment
💡 In Tatar, we use the same logic as “today” (bu + kön = bügen) for “this year” (bu + yıl = bıyıl). For “last year,” uzğan yıl and bıltır are both used.
💡Don’t confuse yıl (year) with yəş (age, years old). Bıyıl 27 yəşne tutıram. – This year I’m turning 27 years old.
In Tatar, the hours of the day and night are primarily expressed using cardinal numbers. However, half-hours are expressed using ordinal numbers.
Səğət niçə? - What time is it?
Səğət ber. - It is one o'clock.
Səğət ike. - It is two o'clock.
You can add following words to specify if you’re talking about AM or PM:
irtənge səğət tuğızda (at 9 AM / 9:00) – kiçke səğət tuğızda (at 9 PM / 21:00)
köndezge səğət öçtə (at 3 PM / 15:00) – tönge səğət öçtә (at 3 AM / 3:00)
⏳ Daily time expressions in Tatar are:
irtə – morning
kön – day
kön urtası – midday
töş, öylə – noon
kiç – evening
tön – night
tön urtası – midnight
💡 To indicate minutes past the hour:
12:17 – Unike tulıp uncide minut. / Səğət unike də uncide. / Səğət berençe uncide minut.
09:15 – Tuğız tulıp unbiş minut. / Səğət tuğız da unbiş minut / Səğət unınçı unbiş minut.
💡 Half-hours are expressed using ordinals:
16:30 – Səğət bişençe yartı
💡 To indicate minutes to the next hour, use the cardinal number of the next hour preceded by the minutes:
16:50 – Biş tulırğa un minut. / Un minuttan biş tula. / Bişkə un minut qaldı.
💡 To indicate that it is almost a certain time:
Səğət öç tulıp kilə. - It is nearly three o'clock.
Səğət öçkə yaqınlaşa. - It's getting close to three o'clock.
💡 When indicating the time, the cardinals are placed after "səğət" (clock, hour). When indicating the number of hours, cardinals precede "səğət".
səğət ber (one o'clock) – ber səğət (one hour)
səğət ike (two o'clock) – ike səğət (two hours)
⏳ Dates are expressed by the cardinals if the month is mentioned and by ordinals if the month is omitted:
Kürgəzmə undürtençe iyüldə açıla. – The exhibition opens on July 14th.
Kürgəzmə undürtendə açıla. – The exhibition opens on the 14th.
Yegerme berençe dekabr ide. – It was December 21st.
Kiçə yegerme berese ide. – Yesterday was the 21st.
Martnıñ 10ınnan 20senə çaqlı. – From the 10th to the 20th of March.
Asking for the time
⏳ Basic time expressions:
yıl – year
ay – month
atna – week
kön – day
səğət – hour, watch
minut – minute
sekund – second
mizgel – moment
💡 In Tatar, we use the same logic as “today” (bu + kön = bügen) for “this year” (bu + yıl = bıyıl). For “last year,” uzğan yıl and bıltır are both used.
💡Don’t confuse yıl (year) with yəş (age, years old). Bıyıl 27 yəşne tutıram. – This year I’m turning 27 years old.
In Tatar, the hours of the day and night are primarily expressed using cardinal numbers. However, half-hours are expressed using ordinal numbers.
Səğət niçə? - What time is it?
Səğət ber. - It is one o'clock.
Səğət ike. - It is two o'clock.
You can add following words to specify if you’re talking about AM or PM:
irtənge səğət tuğızda (at 9 AM / 9:00) – kiçke səğət tuğızda (at 9 PM / 21:00)
köndezge səğət öçtə (at 3 PM / 15:00) – tönge səğət öçtә (at 3 AM / 3:00)
⏳ Daily time expressions in Tatar are:
irtə – morning
kön – day
kön urtası – midday
töş, öylə – noon
kiç – evening
tön – night
tön urtası – midnight
💡 To indicate minutes past the hour:
12:17 – Unike tulıp uncide minut. / Səğət unike də uncide. / Səğət berençe uncide minut.
09:15 – Tuğız tulıp unbiş minut. / Səğət tuğız da unbiş minut / Səğət unınçı unbiş minut.
💡 Half-hours are expressed using ordinals:
16:30 – Səğət bişençe yartı
💡 To indicate minutes to the next hour, use the cardinal number of the next hour preceded by the minutes:
16:50 – Biş tulırğa un minut. / Un minuttan biş tula. / Bişkə un minut qaldı.
💡 To indicate that it is almost a certain time:
Səğət öç tulıp kilə. - It is nearly three o'clock.
Səğət öçkə yaqınlaşa. - It's getting close to three o'clock.
💡 When indicating the time, the cardinals are placed after "səğət" (clock, hour). When indicating the number of hours, cardinals precede "səğət".
səğət ber (one o'clock) – ber səğət (one hour)
səğət ike (two o'clock) – ike səğət (two hours)
⏳ Dates are expressed by the cardinals if the month is mentioned and by ordinals if the month is omitted:
Kürgəzmə undürtençe iyüldə açıla. – The exhibition opens on July 14th.
Kürgəzmə undürtendə açıla. – The exhibition opens on the 14th.
Yegerme berençe dekabr ide. – It was December 21st.
Kiçə yegerme berese ide. – Yesterday was the 21st.
Martnıñ 10ınnan 20senə çaqlı. – From the 10th to the 20th of March.
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#tt_beginner
Unstable Vowels
In Tatar, there are vowel phonemes ı and e that are unstable. These vowels are fully articulated in the basic form of a word but are often reduced or ejected when suffixes are added. There are no fixed rules for their behavior, but generally, they are pronounced when the accent is on them. When the accent shifts due to suffixes, these vowels tend to be reduced or ejected.
🔻 Vowel ejection in bisyllabic verbs
Some bisyllabic verbs eject the vowel ı or e from the stem when a suffix starting with a vowel is added:
qurıq! (be afraid), qurıqma! (don’t be afraid), bez qurıqmadıq (we were not afraid)
BUT: alar qurqalar (they are afraid), ul qurqaçaq (he will be afraid), qurqu (to be afraid), qurqaq (coward)
qalıq! (rise), qalıqma! (do not rise!), min qalıqmadım (I did not rise)
BUT: sez qalqasız (you are rising), min qalqaçaqmın (I will rise), qalqıp (rising), qalqu (to rise), qalqıtu (to raise)
🔻 Dual-stem verbs
Some bisyllabic verbs have two stems with an unstable vowel in the second syllable. These verbs also eject the vowel ı or e when a suffix with an initial vowel is added:
selkü (to shake), selki (he shakes), selkep (shaking)
BUT: selekkən or selkegən (he shook)
Same happens to some other verbs: balqu (to shine), yolqu (to pluck), börkü (to sprinkle, to emit)
🔻 Ejection in bisyllabic words
A large group of bisyllabic words with an open first syllable and ı or e in a closed second syllable sometimes (usually in poems) reduce or eject the ı or e when suffixes with an initial vowel are added:
urın (place) – urınıbız or urnıbız (our place)
borın (nose) – borını or bornı (his nose)
küñel (spirit) – küñele or küñle (his spirit)
burıç (debt) – burıçım or burçım (my debt)
küren! (appear) – kürenə or kürnə (he appears)
Words of Arabic origin that end in two consonants and have become bisyllabic by inserting ı or e between consonants also eject the unstable vowel:
isem (name) – isemem or ismem (my name)
fiker (thought) – fikere or fikre (his thought)
ğömer (life) – ğömere or ğömre (his life)
waqıt (time), waqıtında or waqtında (in its time)
axır (end) – axırına or axrına (to its end)
These words always eject the unstable vowel when the Arabic adjective endings i or ıy are added:
ğilem (science) – ğilmi (scientific)
🔻 Reduction in open first syllables
In the first syllable, if it is open and unaccented, the vowels ı and e are always strongly reduced:
belü (to know) sounds almost like blü
teləw (to wish) sounds almost like tləw
qısu (to press) sounds almost like qsu
Unstable Vowels
In Tatar, there are vowel phonemes ı and e that are unstable. These vowels are fully articulated in the basic form of a word but are often reduced or ejected when suffixes are added. There are no fixed rules for their behavior, but generally, they are pronounced when the accent is on them. When the accent shifts due to suffixes, these vowels tend to be reduced or ejected.
🔻 Vowel ejection in bisyllabic verbs
Some bisyllabic verbs eject the vowel ı or e from the stem when a suffix starting with a vowel is added:
qurıq! (be afraid), qurıqma! (don’t be afraid), bez qurıqmadıq (we were not afraid)
BUT: alar qurqalar (they are afraid), ul qurqaçaq (he will be afraid), qurqu (to be afraid), qurqaq (coward)
qalıq! (rise), qalıqma! (do not rise!), min qalıqmadım (I did not rise)
BUT: sez qalqasız (you are rising), min qalqaçaqmın (I will rise), qalqıp (rising), qalqu (to rise), qalqıtu (to raise)
🔻 Dual-stem verbs
Some bisyllabic verbs have two stems with an unstable vowel in the second syllable. These verbs also eject the vowel ı or e when a suffix with an initial vowel is added:
selkü (to shake), selki (he shakes), selkep (shaking)
BUT: selekkən or selkegən (he shook)
Same happens to some other verbs: balqu (to shine), yolqu (to pluck), börkü (to sprinkle, to emit)
🔻 Ejection in bisyllabic words
A large group of bisyllabic words with an open first syllable and ı or e in a closed second syllable sometimes (usually in poems) reduce or eject the ı or e when suffixes with an initial vowel are added:
urın (place) – urınıbız or urnıbız (our place)
borın (nose) – borını or bornı (his nose)
küñel (spirit) – küñele or küñle (his spirit)
burıç (debt) – burıçım or burçım (my debt)
küren! (appear) – kürenə or kürnə (he appears)
Words of Arabic origin that end in two consonants and have become bisyllabic by inserting ı or e between consonants also eject the unstable vowel:
isem (name) – isemem or ismem (my name)
fiker (thought) – fikere or fikre (his thought)
ğömer (life) – ğömere or ğömre (his life)
waqıt (time), waqıtında or waqtında (in its time)
axır (end) – axırına or axrına (to its end)
These words always eject the unstable vowel when the Arabic adjective endings i or ıy are added:
ğilem (science) – ğilmi (scientific)
🔻 Reduction in open first syllables
In the first syllable, if it is open and unaccented, the vowels ı and e are always strongly reduced:
belü (to know) sounds almost like blü
teləw (to wish) sounds almost like tləw
qısu (to press) sounds almost like qsu
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