#tt_culture
Lipka Tatars

The Polish-Lithuanian Tatars, numbering over 26 thousand in 1993, have a rich history deeply intertwined with the region's politics. From the very beginning of their settlement in Lithuania they were known as the Lipka (the old Crimean Tatar name of Lithuania) Tatars, a distinct group with their own unique history and cultural identity.

The Lipka Tatar origins can be traced back to the descendant states of the Golden Horde, the Crimean Khanate and Kazan Khanate. By the end of the 14th century, Vytautas the Great invited Tatars to settle in the Grand Duchy.
Initially, their service was military in nature, evident in their participation in key battles like the Battle of Grünwald against the Teutonic Order. They served various Polish kings and left their mark on history through their bravery and loyalty. Over time, many Tatars migrated to Poland and Turkey, often receiving land in exchange for military service to Lithuanian princes or Polish kings.

In 1672, the Lipka Tatar subjects rebelled against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, known as the Lipka Rebellion. King Jan III Sobieski of Poland, highly respected by Tatar soldiers, managed to persuade many Lipkas to return to his command and granted them noble titles in recognition of their service. Notably, during the Napoleonic wars, some Tatars fought for Poland's liberation from Russian rule.

Initially serving as a noble military caste, later they became urban dwellers known for their crafts, horses and gardening skills. While they remained very attached to their religion, over time they lost their original Tatar language. From the late 18th to the 19th century, the Lipka Tatars increasingly adopted the Polish language and customs, especially among the upper and middle classes. The lower ranks became more influenced by Ruthenian culture.

In the 20th century, particularly around the time of the Russian Revolution in 1917, Tatar communities in Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine formed the Voluntary Committee with the aim of self-determination. However, the Tatar communities faced challenges, including pressure to assimilate and a changing political landscape, leading to migrations. Despite these challenges, efforts have been made to preserve the Tatar culture and heritage. In 2010, a monument honouring Tatar soldiers was unveiled in Gdańsk, Poland, with the country's president, Bronisław Komorowski, participating in the ceremony. His mother, Jadwiga Komorowska, has Tatar ancestry, which adds a personal connection to the community.

Today, the Lipka Tatars’ total population is 10-15,000 individuals, mostly residing in Belarus, Poland and Lithuania. Despite historical migrations and cultural adaptations, these Tatar communities have maintained their distinct cultural and religious identity and remain an integral part of the region's diversity.

#tt_newbie
Infinitive and hobbies

The infinitive in -rğa, -rgə, etc. (neg. -masqa, -məskə) modifies nouns, adjectives or modal words used attributively or predicatively.

... mondıy waq-töyəklər turında ozaq söyləşep torırğa waqıtı yuq ide. (Fatix Xösni, “Malay, çilək, əbi”)
... he had no time to talk for long about such small details.

Siña xat yazmağanmın. Menə anısı öçen meñ tapqır ğafu ütenergə əzer. (Ğamir Nasrıy, “Yəşel eşləpə”)
I haven't written you a letter. I'm ready to apologize a thousand times for that.

Sin borçılma, Şəmsiyə apa. Xafizğa beraz xəl cıyarğa, yoqlap alırğa kirək. (Riza Işmorat, “Gölzadə”)
Don't worry, Şəmsiyə. Xafiz must rest a little and sleep for a while.

You can use this infinitive to describe your hobbies in Tatar:

Min … yaratam. – I like … .

uqırğa – to read/study
yal itergə – to relax
rəsem yasarğa – to draw
duslar belən oçraşırğa – to meet up with friends
gitarada uynarğa – to play guitar
sport belən şöğellənergə – to do sports
kinoğa/teatrğa/konsertlarğa barırğa – to go to the movies/theater/concerts
muzıka tıñlarğa – to listen to music
biyergə – to dance
cırlarğa – to sing
küñel açarğa – to have a good time / amuse myself
səyəxət itərgə – to travel
peşerergə – to cook
futbol / kompüterda uynarğa – to play football / video games

Please note that the infinitive cannot be used with postpositions! (e.g. “uqır öçen”, NOT “uqırğa öçen”)

This is all the basic information that you need about the infinitive. If you want to go further in your learning, here are more ways of using the infinitive in your speech that we will talk about in the next post.

#tt_beginner
More uses of Infinitive

The infinitive in -rğa, -rgə followed by ide expresses a strong wish or desire, a suggestion, an advice with a tinge of regret, a duty, obligation, necessity, need, or irony. If indicated, the subject (the agent) is in the dative.

Qıçqırmasqa, tawışlanmasqa ide miña, ə milisiyəgə xəbər itərgə ide. (Afzal Şamov, “Yaqtaşım”)
I should not have screamed and made a scene, I should have notified the police. (The speaker wishes that he had not acted the way he did and regrets it)

We had a list of phrasal verbs that are used to express a decision to do something, but did you know there was a simple construction that expresses the same thing?

The infinitive in -rğa, -rgə, followed by bulu (typically in the indicative past tense I) expresses the agent's decision or intention regarding carrying out or refraining from the action denoted by the infinitive.

Ul bik əybət keşe, əni, qarşı kilmə, min añarğa kiyəwgə çığarğa buldım. (Fatix Xösni, “Ğilmenisa”)
He is a very nice man, Mother, don't oppose it, I have decided to marry him.

The affirmative infinitive in -rğa, -rgə, etc. followed by bulu in the third person singular (bula / bula ide / bulır / bulır ide), expresses the possibility to perform the action denoted by the infinitive. The construction can be impersonal-indefinite, or it can refer to a specific agent. If indicated, the latter is in the dative case.

Kürəm, başqortlar. Dimək, tatarça söyləşergə bula. (Mirsəy Əmir, “Bez bələkəy çaqlarda”)
I see, they are Bashkorts. That means, one can speak Tatar to them.

The negative infinitive in -masqa, -məskə, followed by bulu in the third person singular indicates that the action need not be carried out. If indicated, the acting person or thing is in the dative case

Xəyer, aña bügen eşkə barmasqa da bula. (Mösəğit Xəbibullin, “Sular örgə aqsa da”)
Okay, there is no need for her to go to work today.

The infinitive in -rğa, -rgə etc. may be followed by different verbs to convey different meanings:

🌷Infinitive + qalu (to stay, remain in 3rd person sing) = the subject has no choice but to carry out the action. If indicated, the agent appears in the dative case.

kötərgə genə qala – all that remains for us to do is to wait

🌷Infinitive + itü (to do, make) = the subject intends or attempts to carry out the action

Yegetlərneñ berse anı quyıp totarğa itte, ləkin Qotbıy anı tuqtattı. (Mösəğit Xəbibullin, “Sular örgə aqsa da”)
One of the young men wanted to chase after her and catch her, but Qotbıy stopped him.

🌷Infinitive + toru (to stand, live, dwell) or yörü (to walk) = the subject is about to or intends to carry out the action

yañğır yawarğa tora – it is about to rain

🌷Infinitive + totınu (to hold to, to set about) = the beginning of an action.

xalıq qul çabarğa totındı – people began clapping their hands

🌷Infinitive + dip = purpose

Yuq, bügen ul alar yanına bötenləy başqa nərsələr turında söyləşergə dip kilgən ide bit. (Ləbibə İxsanova, “Yul keşese”)
No, today she had come to them to talk about completely different things.

🌷Infinitive + ikən(lek) = necessity, duty

nişlərgə ikənen (or ikәnlegen) əytermen – I'll tell you what to do

🌷Infinitive + bar, yuq, tügel
Expresses possession of, or lack of, things needed or commonly used to carry out the action denoted by the infinitive

östemə kiyərgə yuq – I have nothing to wear

#tt_intermediate
Positive energy!

🤗 Do you feel like nowadays you need some empathy and support more than ever? Or do you know someone who needs a pick-me-up? We’ll teach you some nice phrases to give you or your loved ones that warm and fuzzy feeling.

Sin yalğız tügel. – You’re not alone.
Xisləreñne añlıym. – I understand how you feel.
Xəyerlegə bulsın. – Hopefully it’s for the better.
Barısı da yaxşı bulır. – Everything will be okay.
Min siña ışanam. – I believe in you.
Yarıy əle sin bar. – It’s good to have you. (lit. At least there is you.)

Qurıqma! – Don’t be afraid!
Borçılma! – Don’t worry!
Bireşmə! – Don’t give up!
Sin buldırasıñ! – You can do it!
Aşıqma! Aşığudan fayda yuq. – Take your time! There's no rush.
Afərin, şəp kilep çıqqan! – Bravo, you did an amazing job!
Bigrək uñğansıñ! – You’re so talented/skillful!
Sin mine ilhamlandırasıñ. – You inspire me.

Do you know any other phrases of support and positivity in Tatar? Share them in the comments!

#tt_advanced
Comparison of 3 tenses + a test

Past Perfect (Küptən ütkən zaman)
An action performed at some point in past time or the result of a past action or the state resulting from a past action.
🕔 Past tense II stem (past participle) of the verb with idem, ideñ, ide, etc.:
eşləgən ide

Imperfect (Təmamlanmağan ütkən zaman)
An action started in the past and is taking place when another action occurs. Reflects the process.
🕔 Present tense stem + idem, ideñ, etc.:
eşli ide

The habitual past (Qabatlawlı ütkən zaman)
Expresses an action that repeatedly took place in the past. The English equivalent is “used to do sth.”
🕔 Past participle of the verb toru followed by idem, ideñ, ide, etc.:
eşli torğan ide

Do you know when to use each of these tenses? Check your knowledge with this test 👇🏼

Fəyzraxman Əminov

The podcast version in available on Patreon for those who want to subscribe and support the project. And thank you everyone who was or still is a Patron, it truly means a lot!

#tt_culture
Forest spirits

In the depths of dense forests reside mysterious creatures. We’ve already mentioned Şürəle before – possibly the most famous spirit of Tatar folklore. He is notorious for a tickling game that he starts after spotting someone, relentlessly tickling them to death.

But do you know him outside Ğabdulla Tuqay’s tale? 

He has a peculiar fondness for riding horses. Villagers, seeking to deter him from exhausting and tormenting the animals, smear resin on horses’ backs. When Şürəle rides a resin-coated horse, he gets trapped, allowing villagers to capture and punish him. However, by doing that to Şürəle, they bring curse on themselves, which leads them to poverty.

Another tale tells of villagers burning Şürəle to get rid of him. However, it also brought them misfortune – a village got plagued by constant fires and the horse Şürəle rode vanished.

But he is not just this character that terrorizes people – he is the guardian of the forest, its protector, and if you don’t bother him, he won’t bother you. These stories suggest you not to mess with Şürəle in the first place, as it’s not easy to get rid of him without having some really bad luck. Just don’t go alone to the forest or get distracted there.

However, if you cross his path, here is what you do to save yourself: Şürəle is believed to be afraid of water, and legends suggest that jumping over a stream or river can be a way of escaping his clutches.

Another forest creature we’ve already introduced to you is Albastı – you can read a separate post about her here.

Ubır in Tatar folklore is an evil being believed to live within humans, a Tatar version of a vampire. When those with Ubır in them, known as ubırlı keşe, go to sleep, Ubır leaves the person and goes through the chimney as a fiery sphere, and takes the form of a pig, a black cat, or a dog. While not harmful to men, Ubır poses a significant threat to women. Villagers offer clever advice, such as keeping chimney flues closed.

Ubırlı keşe is often greedy and wicked, engaging in thefts at night. Ubır’s menace extends to livestock as well, causing illnesses and miscarriages. He can also inflict various ailments, such as making people ill or causing uncontrolled shouting. Catching him is challenging due to his ability to vanish quickly.

Another creature inhabiting Tatar forests is Örək. He resides where violent deaths occurred, especially where human blood was shed. Unlike Albastı and Ubır, Örək only appears as a person and is associated with the deceased. Some Tatars believe everyone has their own Örək, suggesting a deep cultural connection to the concept of the soul.

Also, different from the malicious Albastı and Ubır, Örək doesn't inflict significant harm but causes intense fear. Stories depict it occasionally disorienting people, but mostly, only murderers have a reason to be scared of it: Örək harasses the ones who killed someone, driving them insane. Despite its less harmful nature, Tatars fear encountering Örək near graves of violently deceased individuals, avoiding them or averting the spirit with harsh words if necessary.

_______________
Based on "Tatar mifologiyəse" by F. Urmançe

#tt_newbie
Negative suffix

Today, we’re diving into an essential aspect of Tatar grammar: the negative suffix. In Tatar, to make a verb negative, we add specific suffixes to the verb stem. Let’s take the verb yazu (to write) as an example. The verb stem is yaz-.

-MA / -MƏ
The most common suffix. It is used with:

🔺 Imperative mood
yaz – yazma (don’t write)
әyt – әytmә (don’t say)

🔺 Past Tense I and II
yazdı – yazmadı
yazğan – yazmağan (didn’t write)

🔺 Infinitive Form (Gerund)
yazu – yazmaw (not writing)

🔺 Conditional Mood
yazsa – yazmasa (if he/she does not write)

🔺 Future Tense II (mind the y after ma-/mə-))
yazaçaq – yazmayaçaq

MA-/MƏ- and MAS-/MƏS-

🔺 Future Tense I
min yazarmın – yazmam/yazmamın
sin yazırsıñ – yazmassıñ
ul yazır – yazmas
bez yazırbız – yazmabız
sez yazırsız – yazmassız
alar yazır(lar) – yazmas(lar)

-MIY / -Mİ

🔺 Present Tense
yaza – yazmıy (doesn’t write)
әytә – әytmi (doesn’t say)

🔺 Optative mood
yazıyq – yazmıyq (let’s not write)

#tt_beginner
Negative Pronouns

❌ Negative pronouns are formed by prefixing ber or hiç (not a, no) to interrogative pronouns:

berkem (də) / hiçkem – nobody, no one
bernərsə (də) / hiçnərsə – nothing
berni (də) / hiçni – nothing
berqayçan (da) / hiçqayçan – never
etc.

❌ Both categories of negative pronouns are synonymous and both require the predicate of the sentence to stand in the negative. Negative pronouns formed with ber are often used with the intensive particle da / də.
Negative pronouns may be formed only from interrogative pronouns the meaning of which permits this.

Min sinnən barı şunı ğına ütenəm: ... Berkemgə bernərsə söyləmə. (Kərim Əmiri, “Tañ waqıtı”)
I beg of you only this: ... Do not tell anybody anything.

Yılarlıq hiçnərsə bulğanı yuq. (Şərif Kamal, “Ut”)
Nothing has happened to cry about.

❌ Hiç, ber (or a united hiçber) and berəw dә may function independently as negative pronouns:

Min bolay dip hiç uylamağan idem, Rəüf iptəş... (Şərif Kamal, “Ut”)
I never thought that it was like this, friend Rəüf…

Tağın kiçkə xətle ber də söyləşmiçə eşlider idek. (Şərif Kamal, “Quray tawışı”)
Again we worked until evening without speaking at all.

Xatı nərsə turında buldı anıñ? Berəw də belməde. (Fatix Xösni, “Cəy başı”)
What was her letter about? No one knew.

#tt_culture
Cıyın

During the post-sowing period, Tatars celebrated the May tawı or May başı festival, a unique event documented in the Uçalı district of Bashkortostan. This women's festival involved women from every village collectively ascending a nearby mountain on May 1st, bringing food and samovars, playing games, and rolling colored eggs down the hill to symbolically ward off illnesses.

Additionally, various Tatar groups practiced a collective sacrificial ritual, which aimed for fertility, livestock prosperity, and general well-being, often linked to appeasing celestial powers and addressing natural disasters like droughts. The sacrificial animals were bought with contributions from the community. The communal event involved men slaughtering the sacrificial animal, preparing a dense soup with meat and grains, followed by communal prayers, reflecting a fusion of pagan rituals and Muslim elements. Kerəşen Tatars made porridge, put it into bowls, made a pit in the middle, poured broth into it, and placed a piece of sacrificial meat on top. After the feast, villagers engaged in water rituals, washing dishes, and sometimes pouring water on each other.

Various terms were used to describe the ritual, such as korban and yañgır keləwe among Mishars. Kerəşennər called these rites qorman botqası or qır keləwe. Kazan Tatars – saban qorbanı or təkəle keləw.

The rain-calling rituals among Tatars varied but typically involved adults or children as main participants. A communal pot of mixed ingredients was used to prepare a porridge, often in open fields, followed by either communal prayers or traditional rituals. The culmination often included water dousing. Children recited:

Yañğır yaw, yaw, yaw
İləktən, çiləktən,
Pərəməçtən, küməçtən,
Bez sorıybız xodaydan
Arıştan, bodaydan.
Arışlarnıñ başları
Aç bulmasın, tuq bulsın.

This ritual has around 30 different names depending on the regions, among them yañğır botqası and telək aşı.

Cıyın

The celebration of Cıyın, a folk festival among Tatars, was typically held in the summer between spring fieldwork and haymaking. The festival names often reflected the villages' identity or local landmarks, and while many were linked to specific Muslim or hydrological events, others borrowed from Christian holidays.

There were two prevalent forms of celebration, both marked by a fixed period of communal festivity, hosting guests from neighboring villages and relatives. The timing was determined by local phenological signs rather than fixed dates: e.g. arış serkə oçırğanda (when the rye is in bloom) or sıyırçıq bala oçırğanda (when the starlings release their chicks from the nests). Each Cıyın region consisting of several villages and named after one of them, organized its own Cıyın.

Preparing for the first variant of Cıyın festival involved meticulous arrangements, with a focus on looking presentable. Traveling guests borrowed festive attire and horse equipment as needed. Each hostess brought treats like küməç, paştet and qaqlağan qaz, to share during the communal festivities. The arrival of guests and communal feasts took place on Thursday, munça (bath rituals) on Friday morning, and later mulla arrived to the aş (lunch) for males and his wife abıstay to the one for females. After the mulla and his wife left, the real party would start with several days of entertainment, even drinking of homemade beer or medovukha (a Slavic honey-based alcoholic beverage) and other deviations from Islamic norms.

The atmosphere was marked by shared meals, celebrations, and the exchange of gifts among the Tatar villagers. In certain villages, the celebration of Cıyın involved gatherings in the forest with treats and games. These collective events included tügərək uyın (circle dances), taqlı uynaw (chasing games), and even facilitated ozın uyın, shared walks between young men and women. The most popular events were the Friday walks and celebrations, with specially organized fairs and markets where young men could buy treats or gifts for the ladies. The cırlı-biyüle uyınnar featured instrumental ensembles with harmonicas, violins, and traditional flutes – quray, showcasing the musical talents of the participants. Riding on horses and boats, along with games, were essential to the festivities.

The second variant of Cıyın in Tatar traditions was distinct from the first, often coinciding with fairs held in nearby Russian villages, named after Christian holidays. These celebrations were marked by horse racing, körəş, as well as playful competitions such as sack races and pot smashing, with a central focus on a lively fair. Interestingly, women did not attend this fair; only men, youth, and children participated. This variant was prevalent in certain Tatar regions, especially in Layış and Böre districts of Kazan and Ufa gubernias.

In Perm Tatar traditions, the Sabantuy summer festival closely resembled the second variant of the Cıyın celebration. Like the second variant, it coincided with fairs in neighboring Russian villages, involved the gathering of gifts, and featured competitions and festive gatherings lasting several days.

Clearly, Cıyın embodied the essence of community and family continuity: it's no wonder this festival was so beloved. Up until the 1920s, Cıyın was far more significant than Sabantuy. To eliminate Cıyın, Sabantuy was promoted instead. This ended the tradition of the multi-day community-oriented Cıyın, where people gathered between planting and haymaking to engage in leisurely social, Islamic and anti-Soviet discussions, relax, socialize, and arrange marriages, all of which were seen as a challenge to Soviet authority. Just like that, the Cıyın festival, once central to the culture of Tatar nomads, was unfortunately eradicated by the Bolsheviks and forgotten within two to three generations.

________________
Based on R. Urazmanova “Rites and holidays of Tatars of the Volga Region and Ural” 2001

#tt_intermediate
Basically, allegedly, anyhow…

A parenthetical expression, whether a word or a phrase, is inserted into a sentence without being necessary for its grammatical completeness. However, they are frequently used in speech, and incorporating them into your own can make you sound super fluent!

➕You probably already know these basic ones, but let’s just go over all of them to have a full collection:

əlbəttə – of course
bəlki – maybe
mömkin – might be / possible
axrı, axrısı – it seems / I guess
imeş – they say, allegedly
məsələn – for example
minemçə – in my opinion
sineñçə – in your opinion
alaysa – if so, in that case, then
dimək – so / that is
bəxetkə – fortunately
Allahqa şöker – thank God
qızğanıçqa / qızğanıç ki – unfortunately

➕You can add the following to your vocabulary to enrich it:

yənəse – supposedly, allegedly
şət – hopefully / perhaps
ixtimal – possibly, probably

şiksez, hiçşiksez – without a doubt
çınnan da, çınlap ta – really, indeed, truly
bilgele – of course / as we know
kürəseñ – evidently, apparently

xəyer – well / okay
süz uñayınnan – by the way

qısqası – in short, to sum up
qısqaça (əytkəndə), qısqaça itep əytkəndə – in short, in brief
cıyıp əytkəndə – to sum up
ber süz belən əytkəndə – in a word, in a nutshell
nigezdə – in general
ğomümən – in general

döresrəge – more precisely
başqaça əytkəndə – in other words

döresen əytkəndə / turısın əytkəndə – to tell the truth
əytergə mömkin – one can say
əytergə kirək – one must say
əytik, faraz itik – let’s say / let’s assume

➕ More useful words and phrases:

hərxəldə – anyhow, in any case
şulay itep – so, in this manner
nikter, ni öçender – for some reason
şul isəptən – including
misal öçen – for example
ğədəttəgeçə – as usual
kiresençə – on the contrary
berençedən – firstly
ikençedən – secondly
nihayət – finally

#tt_advanced
Modes of action

In Tatar, various verb forms express different modes of action. Here’s a detailed guide to help you understand these nuances:

1. Repeating Certain Verb Forms

a) Verbal Adverbs ending in -a, -ə, -ıy, -i
These forms are used to emphasize continuous or iterative actions.

bara-bara (going continuously)
eşli-eşli (working continuously)

b) Verbal Adverbs with -p, -ıp, -ep
Used for actions repeated frequently or continuously.

qıçqırıp-qıçqırıp (shouting repeatedly)
eşləp-eşləp (working repeatedly)

c) Conjugated Verb Forms
Repeated to express emphatic continuous, constant, or iterative actions. They are mostly connected by the particle (conjunction) da, də, ta, tə. They can also be repeated without these particles and connected by a hyphen in writing.

yazam da yazam (I write and write)


2. Frequentative Verbs with Suffixes

Frequentative verbs indicate actions that are repeated. These are formed using specific suffixes:

-ğala, -gələ, -qala, -kələ, -ştır, -şter, -ıştır, -eşter

a) Regular Repetition:
barğala (go repeatedly, habitually)

b) Partial or Incomplete Actions:
eşlәşter (work a bit)

Passive, reflexive and reciprocal verbs can also be turned into modes of action:

passive: işetelgəli (is repeatedly heard, audible)
reflexive: qızıqsınğalıy (always remains interested)
reciprocal: yazışqalıylar (they write each other repeatedly)

Ə sez bu formanı qullanğalıysızmı? Kommentlarda yazığızçı!