#tt_advanced
Present Participles
⚡️The present participle with -uçı, -üçe.
This participle is formed by joining the suffix -uçı, -üçe to the verb stem and always precedes the noun denoting the agent of the action. A small group of verbs drop the vowel of their stems when -uçı, -üçe is joined to their affirmative form (ərçe, biye, borçı, ere, nığı, rənce, qaşı, qorı, taşı, töze, uqı, ürçe, etc). The negative stems retain the vowel and u/ü in the suffix is replaced by w according to the spelling rules.
qaytuçı – returning, one who returns
qaytmawçı – not returning, one who does not return
belüçe – knowing, one who knows)
belməwçe – not knowing, one who does not know
taşı (carry):
taşuçı – carrying, one who carries
taşımawçı – not carrying, one who does not carry
töze (build):
tözüçe – building, one who builds
tözeməwçe – not building, one who does not build
💫 The participle ending in -uçı, -üçe expresses:
· An action or state taking place or existing simultaneously with the one expressed by the principal verb:
Nəq urman awızında alarğa yükə bəyləme kütərep çığıp kilüçe ber babay oçradı. (Əmirxan Yeniki, “Tuğan tufraq”)
Right at the edge of the forest an old man, who was coming out (of the forest), carrying a bundle of linden wood, met up with them.
· A habitual, repeated or permanent action or state
bu yortta toruçı abzıy - a man who lives in this house
Xikəyəbez, şulay itep, üzək Aziyədəge uyğır cirlərendə yəşəgən həm öleşçə əle şunda yəşəwçe milləttəşlərebez xaqında. (Mirqasıym Ğosmanov, “Çəçelgən orlıqlar - Ğolca tatarları”)
Thus, our story is about our compatriots who lived and who still live partly in the Uighur regions of Central Asia.
💫 The present participle with -uçı, -üçe is often used as a noun. Referring most commonly to persons, such nouns can be the subject, the direct or the indirect object in a sentence:
Bez ber-berebezne yaxşı belüçelər.
We are people who know each other well.
⚡️The present participle with -a, -ə, -ıy, -i (-mıy, -mi) torğan.
This participle is formed by combining the present tense stem of a verb with torğan (the past participle of the verb toru).
💫 It expresses essentially the same as the present participle ending in -uçı, -üçe, but differs from it functionally and can also refer to direct and indirect objects, time and place. Furthermore, the construction with torğan is preferred when the present participle is in the negative.
İrğali awıl qırıyınnan ütə torğan olı yulğa çıqtı. (Məxmüt Xəsənov, “Yazğı acağan”)
İrğali made his way to the highway stretching along the edge of the village.
... tanış yul östendə bez kürmi torğan arada barlıqqa kilgən yañalıqlar bezne haman tuqtata, iğtibarıbıznı üzlərenə tarta tordılar. (Mirsəy Əmir, “Küñelle səyəxət”)
... the new things, which had come about on the familiar road in the period of time that we had not seen it, continued stopping us, drawing our attention.
Present Participles
⚡️The present participle with -uçı, -üçe.
This participle is formed by joining the suffix -uçı, -üçe to the verb stem and always precedes the noun denoting the agent of the action. A small group of verbs drop the vowel of their stems when -uçı, -üçe is joined to their affirmative form (ərçe, biye, borçı, ere, nığı, rənce, qaşı, qorı, taşı, töze, uqı, ürçe, etc). The negative stems retain the vowel and u/ü in the suffix is replaced by w according to the spelling rules.
qaytuçı – returning, one who returns
qaytmawçı – not returning, one who does not return
belüçe – knowing, one who knows)
belməwçe – not knowing, one who does not know
taşı (carry):
taşuçı – carrying, one who carries
taşımawçı – not carrying, one who does not carry
töze (build):
tözüçe – building, one who builds
tözeməwçe – not building, one who does not build
💫 The participle ending in -uçı, -üçe expresses:
· An action or state taking place or existing simultaneously with the one expressed by the principal verb:
Nəq urman awızında alarğa yükə bəyləme kütərep çığıp kilüçe ber babay oçradı. (Əmirxan Yeniki, “Tuğan tufraq”)
Right at the edge of the forest an old man, who was coming out (of the forest), carrying a bundle of linden wood, met up with them.
· A habitual, repeated or permanent action or state
bu yortta toruçı abzıy - a man who lives in this house
Xikəyəbez, şulay itep, üzək Aziyədəge uyğır cirlərendə yəşəgən həm öleşçə əle şunda yəşəwçe milləttəşlərebez xaqında. (Mirqasıym Ğosmanov, “Çəçelgən orlıqlar - Ğolca tatarları”)
Thus, our story is about our compatriots who lived and who still live partly in the Uighur regions of Central Asia.
💫 The present participle with -uçı, -üçe is often used as a noun. Referring most commonly to persons, such nouns can be the subject, the direct or the indirect object in a sentence:
Bez ber-berebezne yaxşı belüçelər.
We are people who know each other well.
⚡️The present participle with -a, -ə, -ıy, -i (-mıy, -mi) torğan.
This participle is formed by combining the present tense stem of a verb with torğan (the past participle of the verb toru).
💫 It expresses essentially the same as the present participle ending in -uçı, -üçe, but differs from it functionally and can also refer to direct and indirect objects, time and place. Furthermore, the construction with torğan is preferred when the present participle is in the negative.
İrğali awıl qırıyınnan ütə torğan olı yulğa çıqtı. (Məxmüt Xəsənov, “Yazğı acağan”)
İrğali made his way to the highway stretching along the edge of the village.
... tanış yul östendə bez kürmi torğan arada barlıqqa kilgən yañalıqlar bezne haman tuqtata, iğtibarıbıznı üzlərenə tarta tordılar. (Mirsəy Əmir, “Küñelle səyəxət”)
... the new things, which had come about on the familiar road in the period of time that we had not seen it, continued stopping us, drawing our attention.
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#tt_culture
A Short Outline of the Tatar Language Development: Part II
(Part I here)
The Soviet Period Until the End of the 1980s
Toward the end of the 1930s, the Soviet government implemented a new language policy that made Russian obligatory for everyone in the USSR. The Tatar Latinized alphabet was replaced by the Russian Cyrillic alphabet, with additional symbols.
Simultaneously with the shift to Russian, numerous changes in vowel harmony were introduced into the written Tatar language, affecting its phonetic structure and orthography.
While the Tatar language had previously undergone a process of removing unnecessary Arabic and Persian elements, the Soviet language policy took a more extensive approach. It aimed to eliminate even those Arabic and Persian words that had been integral to the Tatar language for centuries and were not perceived as foreign. These "traditional words" were systematically phased out from the language on a large scale and replaced with Russian terms or "international" words adapted into the Russian form. This policy had a profound impact on the vocabulary of the Tatar language.
Various measures were taken to promote the use of Russian among Tatars, including closing down Tatar newspapers and periodicals outside Tatarstan, requiring knowledge of Russian for admission to higher education, and closing or converting Tatar schools into Russian ones. The use of Russian was enforced in kindergarten. Many Tatar-speaking individuals were encouraged or even forced to use Russian in public life.
By the late 1980s, a mere 7% of Tatar children were enrolled in Tatar-language schools. Moreover, the production of Tatar books faced growing limitations, with only 0.7 copies published per person in 1989, compared to the national average of 9 copies per person, and even more in the case of Russian publications.
The Tatar Language after the 1980s
With the onset of Perestroika and the weakening of Soviet control, there was a resurgence of interest in Tatars' national identity and language. Cultural and educational institutions began to focus more on the Tatar language and culture. "Old and forgotten" words were reintroduced to replace modern loanwords, leading to a "purer" language in Tatar literature and publications. Tatar writers have substantially reduced the practice of incorporating Russian words and expressions into the language of their literary characters. An "awareness" trend has emerged, resulting in a noticeably "purer" form of the Tatar language in both literary and non-fiction publications.
In 1992, Tatar was declared the official language of the Republic of Tatarstan, on par with Russian. Tatar language education received increased attention in schools, institutes of higher education, and technical secondary schools. Tatar language advocates worked to preserve and promote it through language revitalization programs, educational initiatives, and the publishing of literature and media in Tatar.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, there was a transition from the Cyrillic script to the Latin script for writing in Tatar. This change aimed to reflect linguistic and cultural ties with other Turkic-speaking peoples and promote the Tatar identity.
The Tatar Language Today (2017 and Beyond)
Tatar, along with Russian, remains the official language of the Republic of Tatarstan. The official script is based on the Cyrillic alphabet, with Latin and Arabic scripts used unofficially in various contexts.
Tatarstan, as a republic within the Russian Federation, has taken measures to promote the Tatar language. There are some Tatar-language media outlets, cultural institutions, and literary works being produced.
Despite these efforts, there has been a gradual shift towards Russian as the dominant language in everyday life. The use of Tatar has declined over the 20th and 21st centuries and Tatar proficiency has decreased.
Economic and social factors often play a role in language choice, with Russian being seen as a more "practical" language for education and employment opportunities outside of Tatarstan.
A Short Outline of the Tatar Language Development: Part II
(Part I here)
The Soviet Period Until the End of the 1980s
Toward the end of the 1930s, the Soviet government implemented a new language policy that made Russian obligatory for everyone in the USSR. The Tatar Latinized alphabet was replaced by the Russian Cyrillic alphabet, with additional symbols.
Simultaneously with the shift to Russian, numerous changes in vowel harmony were introduced into the written Tatar language, affecting its phonetic structure and orthography.
While the Tatar language had previously undergone a process of removing unnecessary Arabic and Persian elements, the Soviet language policy took a more extensive approach. It aimed to eliminate even those Arabic and Persian words that had been integral to the Tatar language for centuries and were not perceived as foreign. These "traditional words" were systematically phased out from the language on a large scale and replaced with Russian terms or "international" words adapted into the Russian form. This policy had a profound impact on the vocabulary of the Tatar language.
Various measures were taken to promote the use of Russian among Tatars, including closing down Tatar newspapers and periodicals outside Tatarstan, requiring knowledge of Russian for admission to higher education, and closing or converting Tatar schools into Russian ones. The use of Russian was enforced in kindergarten. Many Tatar-speaking individuals were encouraged or even forced to use Russian in public life.
By the late 1980s, a mere 7% of Tatar children were enrolled in Tatar-language schools. Moreover, the production of Tatar books faced growing limitations, with only 0.7 copies published per person in 1989, compared to the national average of 9 copies per person, and even more in the case of Russian publications.
The Tatar Language after the 1980s
With the onset of Perestroika and the weakening of Soviet control, there was a resurgence of interest in Tatars' national identity and language. Cultural and educational institutions began to focus more on the Tatar language and culture. "Old and forgotten" words were reintroduced to replace modern loanwords, leading to a "purer" language in Tatar literature and publications. Tatar writers have substantially reduced the practice of incorporating Russian words and expressions into the language of their literary characters. An "awareness" trend has emerged, resulting in a noticeably "purer" form of the Tatar language in both literary and non-fiction publications.
In 1992, Tatar was declared the official language of the Republic of Tatarstan, on par with Russian. Tatar language education received increased attention in schools, institutes of higher education, and technical secondary schools. Tatar language advocates worked to preserve and promote it through language revitalization programs, educational initiatives, and the publishing of literature and media in Tatar.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, there was a transition from the Cyrillic script to the Latin script for writing in Tatar. This change aimed to reflect linguistic and cultural ties with other Turkic-speaking peoples and promote the Tatar identity.
The Tatar Language Today (2017 and Beyond)
Tatar, along with Russian, remains the official language of the Republic of Tatarstan. The official script is based on the Cyrillic alphabet, with Latin and Arabic scripts used unofficially in various contexts.
Tatarstan, as a republic within the Russian Federation, has taken measures to promote the Tatar language. There are some Tatar-language media outlets, cultural institutions, and literary works being produced.
Despite these efforts, there has been a gradual shift towards Russian as the dominant language in everyday life. The use of Tatar has declined over the 20th and 21st centuries and Tatar proficiency has decreased.
Economic and social factors often play a role in language choice, with Russian being seen as a more "practical" language for education and employment opportunities outside of Tatarstan.
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State-controlled media outlets often prioritize the Russian language over Tatar. This limits the exposure of Tatar-speaking populations to their native language in the media, reducing its usage and influence. Russia has implemented education policies that aim to assimilate Tatar-speaking students into the Russian-speaking majority. This includes a significant emphasis on teaching subjects in Russian and a reduction in the availability of Tatar-language education materials.
Tatar activists have faced various forms of repression, including fines, detentions, interrogations, and police searches, as they advocate for greater protections for the Tatar language and culture. One activist who staged a solitary protest outside government buildings has been subjected to court-ordered 30-day stays at a psychiatric hospital, a tactic reminiscent of Soviet-era suppression.
Back in 1992, following the Soviet Union's collapse, the Tatar center played a role in generating momentum for a referendum on independence, which garnered 62% support. While Tatarstan did not achieve full independence, it did negotiate a treaty with then-Russian President Boris Yeltsin in 1994, granting significant autonomy, including exclusive resource rights and tax collection.
In the last two decades, Russia has consistently worked to diminish regional governments' capacity to safeguard ethnic languages, histories, and cultures. Laws have been enacted to centralize the production of history textbooks and mandated that all ethnic languages use the Cyrillic alphabet, aligning them with the Russian script.
Under the 2017 law that ended compulsory regional language study, students must now request optional lessons in regional languages like Tatar. Moscow has argued that even in regions where Russians are in the minority, they should not be obligated to learn a non-native language. This change is a violation of the Tatarstan Constitution which stipulates the equality of Russian and Tatar languages in the republic.
The world's largest online platform for Tatar language learners, "Ana Tele" (which means "mother tongue" in Tatar), was closed down. Over its nearly ten years of existence, Ana Tele has served more than 100,000 Tatar language learners, both within Russia and abroad. It provided Tatar language courses with interfaces in Tatar, Russian, and English. The closure of Ana Tele comes at a time when the Tatar language has been experiencing a decline in speakers, losing more than 1 million speakers in Russia between the 2010 and 2021 censuses.
Today, there has been a surge in interest in the Tatar language, especially among the younger generation. The social status of Tatar is shifting from being a language of the “poorly educated village people” to the language, the knowledge of which is considered respectable and a sign of a person with a strong national identity. More and more people come to learn Tatar as a “foreign” native language or refresh their knowledge acquired in childhood. Tatar activists are actively working to rekindle the Tatar language, launching podcasts, YouTube channels, blogs, and other initiatives to popularize Tatar and raise awareness. I invite you to share your favorite Tatar language resources in the comments.
Thank you for your interest in Tatar!
______________________
Burbiel, G. (2018). Tatar Grammar: А Grammar of the Contemporary Tatar Literary Language. Stockholm: Institute for Bible Translation.
Faller, H. M. (2011). Nation, Language, Islam: Tatarstan’s Sovereignty Movement. Budapest: Central European University Press.
Salimova, D., & Sabitova, A. (2019). Problems of choosing the main language in a bilingual society of national regions. Journal of Social Studies Education Research.
Suleymanova, D. (2020). Pedagogies of Culture: Schooling and Identity in Post-Soviet Tatarstan, Russia. Springer Nature.
Wigglesworth-Baker, T. (2016). Language policy and post-Soviet identities in Tatarstan. Nationalities Papers.
Tatar activists have faced various forms of repression, including fines, detentions, interrogations, and police searches, as they advocate for greater protections for the Tatar language and culture. One activist who staged a solitary protest outside government buildings has been subjected to court-ordered 30-day stays at a psychiatric hospital, a tactic reminiscent of Soviet-era suppression.
Back in 1992, following the Soviet Union's collapse, the Tatar center played a role in generating momentum for a referendum on independence, which garnered 62% support. While Tatarstan did not achieve full independence, it did negotiate a treaty with then-Russian President Boris Yeltsin in 1994, granting significant autonomy, including exclusive resource rights and tax collection.
In the last two decades, Russia has consistently worked to diminish regional governments' capacity to safeguard ethnic languages, histories, and cultures. Laws have been enacted to centralize the production of history textbooks and mandated that all ethnic languages use the Cyrillic alphabet, aligning them with the Russian script.
Under the 2017 law that ended compulsory regional language study, students must now request optional lessons in regional languages like Tatar. Moscow has argued that even in regions where Russians are in the minority, they should not be obligated to learn a non-native language. This change is a violation of the Tatarstan Constitution which stipulates the equality of Russian and Tatar languages in the republic.
The world's largest online platform for Tatar language learners, "Ana Tele" (which means "mother tongue" in Tatar), was closed down. Over its nearly ten years of existence, Ana Tele has served more than 100,000 Tatar language learners, both within Russia and abroad. It provided Tatar language courses with interfaces in Tatar, Russian, and English. The closure of Ana Tele comes at a time when the Tatar language has been experiencing a decline in speakers, losing more than 1 million speakers in Russia between the 2010 and 2021 censuses.
Today, there has been a surge in interest in the Tatar language, especially among the younger generation. The social status of Tatar is shifting from being a language of the “poorly educated village people” to the language, the knowledge of which is considered respectable and a sign of a person with a strong national identity. More and more people come to learn Tatar as a “foreign” native language or refresh their knowledge acquired in childhood. Tatar activists are actively working to rekindle the Tatar language, launching podcasts, YouTube channels, blogs, and other initiatives to popularize Tatar and raise awareness. I invite you to share your favorite Tatar language resources in the comments.
Thank you for your interest in Tatar!
______________________
Burbiel, G. (2018). Tatar Grammar: А Grammar of the Contemporary Tatar Literary Language. Stockholm: Institute for Bible Translation.
Faller, H. M. (2011). Nation, Language, Islam: Tatarstan’s Sovereignty Movement. Budapest: Central European University Press.
Salimova, D., & Sabitova, A. (2019). Problems of choosing the main language in a bilingual society of national regions. Journal of Social Studies Education Research.
Suleymanova, D. (2020). Pedagogies of Culture: Schooling and Identity in Post-Soviet Tatarstan, Russia. Springer Nature.
Wigglesworth-Baker, T. (2016). Language policy and post-Soviet identities in Tatarstan. Nationalities Papers.
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#tt_newbie
Consonant harmony
Harmony in life is important, and it's especially important in the Tatar language. If you've missed our post about vowel harmony, I recommend you read it too, as these concepts are essential.
In accordance with the principle of consonant harmony, consonants undergo the following phonetic changes.
🌷 Consonant variation in suffixes
A rather large group of Tatar suffixes have two variants, one beginning with the voiced consonants d, g, or ğ, the other beginning with their voiceless correlatives t, k, or q.
Stems ending in a voiced consonant, a vowel, or a semivowel ('y' or 'w') require these suffixes to appear in their voiced form. Stems ending in a voiceless consonant require their voiceless variant:
Qazanda (in Kazan), Qazanğa (to Kazan)
bülmədə (in the room), bülməgə (into the room), bülmədən (from the room)
uynadı, uynağan (played)
tawda (on the mountain), tawğa (to the mountain), tawdan (from the mountain)
tışta (outside (where)), tışqa (outside (where to)), tıştan (from the outside)
The initial d of the ablative suffix -dan, -dən and the initial l of the plural suffixes -lar, -lər change to n when these suffixes are joined to stems ending in any of the three nasals m, n, ñ:
uramnan (from the street), uramnar (streets)
Qazannan (from Kazan), kilgənnər (they came)
tañnan (from the dawn)
🌷 Consonant variations in stems
Final k, p, q change to g, b, ğ if followed by a suffix beginning with a vowel or r:
k-g: cilək (strawberry) – ciləge (his/her/its strawberry)
küzlek (glasses) – küzlege (his/her/its glasses)
bik / bigrək (very)
p-b: kitap (book) – kitabı (his/her/its book)
məktəp (school) – məktəbe (his/her/its
school)
küp (many) – kübrək (more)
q-ğ: ayaq (foot) – ayağı (his,her, its foot)
qaşıq (spoon) – qaşığı (his/her/its spoon)
nıq (steady) – nığraq (steadier)
🌷 Phonetic consonant variations
The consonant variations k-g, q-ğ, p-b, n-ñ also occur phonetically in rapid speech before a vowel or r:
aq alyapqıç [ağalyapqıç] – white apron
taləp itte [taləbitte] – he demanded
bik rəxət [bigrəxət] – very nice
min qayttım [miñqayttım] – I returned
The consonant z before s is pronounced as s. For example:
tigezsezlek [tigessezlek] – inequality
tozsız [tossız] – saltless
The consonant n before initial q-ğ, k-g phonetically changes to ñ. For example:
borınğı [borıñğı] – ancient
The consonant n before b or m is often pronounced as m. For example:
unber [umber] – eleven
unbiş [umbiş] – fifteen
un minut [umminut] – ten minutes
ozın mıyıq [ozımmıyıq] – long moustache
The consonant l after n, ñ, m can be pronounced as n:
tıñla [tıñna] – listen
təmle [təmne] – tasty
Consonant harmony
Harmony in life is important, and it's especially important in the Tatar language. If you've missed our post about vowel harmony, I recommend you read it too, as these concepts are essential.
In accordance with the principle of consonant harmony, consonants undergo the following phonetic changes.
🌷 Consonant variation in suffixes
A rather large group of Tatar suffixes have two variants, one beginning with the voiced consonants d, g, or ğ, the other beginning with their voiceless correlatives t, k, or q.
Stems ending in a voiced consonant, a vowel, or a semivowel ('y' or 'w') require these suffixes to appear in their voiced form. Stems ending in a voiceless consonant require their voiceless variant:
Qazanda (in Kazan), Qazanğa (to Kazan)
bülmədə (in the room), bülməgə (into the room), bülmədən (from the room)
uynadı, uynağan (played)
tawda (on the mountain), tawğa (to the mountain), tawdan (from the mountain)
tışta (outside (where)), tışqa (outside (where to)), tıştan (from the outside)
The initial d of the ablative suffix -dan, -dən and the initial l of the plural suffixes -lar, -lər change to n when these suffixes are joined to stems ending in any of the three nasals m, n, ñ:
uramnan (from the street), uramnar (streets)
Qazannan (from Kazan), kilgənnər (they came)
tañnan (from the dawn)
🌷 Consonant variations in stems
Final k, p, q change to g, b, ğ if followed by a suffix beginning with a vowel or r:
k-g: cilək (strawberry) – ciləge (his/her/its strawberry)
küzlek (glasses) – küzlege (his/her/its glasses)
bik / bigrək (very)
p-b: kitap (book) – kitabı (his/her/its book)
məktəp (school) – məktəbe (his/her/its
school)
küp (many) – kübrək (more)
q-ğ: ayaq (foot) – ayağı (his,her, its foot)
qaşıq (spoon) – qaşığı (his/her/its spoon)
nıq (steady) – nığraq (steadier)
🌷 Phonetic consonant variations
The consonant variations k-g, q-ğ, p-b, n-ñ also occur phonetically in rapid speech before a vowel or r:
aq alyapqıç [ağalyapqıç] – white apron
taləp itte [taləbitte] – he demanded
bik rəxət [bigrəxət] – very nice
min qayttım [miñqayttım] – I returned
The consonant z before s is pronounced as s. For example:
tigezsezlek [tigessezlek] – inequality
tozsız [tossız] – saltless
The consonant n before initial q-ğ, k-g phonetically changes to ñ. For example:
borınğı [borıñğı] – ancient
The consonant n before b or m is often pronounced as m. For example:
unber [umber] – eleven
unbiş [umbiş] – fifteen
un minut [umminut] – ten minutes
ozın mıyıq [ozımmıyıq] – long moustache
The consonant l after n, ñ, m can be pronounced as n:
tıñla [tıñna] – listen
təmle [təmne] – tasty
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#tt_beginner
Each and every: generalizing pronouns
hər – every, each
hərber – each, every
hərqaysı – every, each, every one (of them)
hərkem – everybody
hərnərsə – everything
⚪️ Hər and the compounds formed with hər designate all persons, things, etc. of an unspecified number, amount, or quantity but refer to each of them separately. They are commonly used in the singular. Hər is always an adjective, hərber(se) may be an adjective or a noun, hərkem, hərqaysı, and hərnərsə are always nouns.
Hər süzgə cawap bar, hər yaxşığa sawap bar. (Tatar xalıq məqəle)
There is an answer to every word, there is a reward for every good deed.
bar, barlıq, barça – all, whole, entire
böten – all, whole, entire
həmmə – all, whole, entire, each, every
Bar keşegə də yarap betə almassıñ. (Tatar xalıq məqəle)
One cannot please everyone.
Üzen qızıqsındırğan böten xəllərne soraşa. (Səyfi Qudaş, “Ğ. İbrahimov turında istəleklər”)
He asks about all the news that interests him.
Ğalimcan alarnıñ həmməse belən söyləşergə süz taba. (“Ğ. İbrahimov turında istəleklər,” Gölsem Möxəmmədova)
Ğalimcan finds something to talk about with all of them.
⚪️ The pronouns bar, barlıq, barça, böten, etc. designate a number, amount, quantity of persons, things, etc. as a whole. They may function as adjectives and as nouns and can be used in the singular and plural. When functioning as nouns, they often form a possessive relation with their antecedent. If the antecedent is not expressed, it is denoted by the respective possessive suffix on the pronoun.
Let's look at the use of these words in the dialog:
A: Səlam, Nuriyə! Köneñ niçek ütte?
B: Səlam, Artur! İrtə buyı proyektımnı eşlədem.
A: İskitkeç! Sin ofistağı hərkemgə presentasıya yasarğa tiyeş ideñ dip işettem. Niçek buldı?
B: Hərkem belən ayırım söyləştem, həmməse də oşadı. Xezməttəşlәremneñ hərqaysınıñ faydalı fikerləre bar ide.
A: Şəp! Hər keşene isәpkә aluwıñ iskitkeç.
B: Rəxmət, Artur! Hərber keşene qatnaştıru yaxşıraq nəticəgə ireşerğə bulışa dip sanıym.
________________
A: Hi, Nuriyə! How was your day?
B: Hey, Artur! I spent the whole morning working on my project.
A: That's awesome! I heard you had to present to everybody in the office. How did it go?
B: Yeah, I did! I spoke to everyone individually, and they all liked it. Every colleague had some helpful feedback.
A: That's fantastic! It's impressive how you involve each person.
B: Thanks, Artur! I believe that including everyone helps in creating a better outcome.
Each and every: generalizing pronouns
hər – every, each
hərber – each, every
hərqaysı – every, each, every one (of them)
hərkem – everybody
hərnərsə – everything
⚪️ Hər and the compounds formed with hər designate all persons, things, etc. of an unspecified number, amount, or quantity but refer to each of them separately. They are commonly used in the singular. Hər is always an adjective, hərber(se) may be an adjective or a noun, hərkem, hərqaysı, and hərnərsə are always nouns.
Hər süzgə cawap bar, hər yaxşığa sawap bar. (Tatar xalıq məqəle)
There is an answer to every word, there is a reward for every good deed.
bar, barlıq, barça – all, whole, entire
böten – all, whole, entire
həmmə – all, whole, entire, each, every
Bar keşegə də yarap betə almassıñ. (Tatar xalıq məqəle)
One cannot please everyone.
Üzen qızıqsındırğan böten xəllərne soraşa. (Səyfi Qudaş, “Ğ. İbrahimov turında istəleklər”)
He asks about all the news that interests him.
Ğalimcan alarnıñ həmməse belən söyləşergə süz taba. (“Ğ. İbrahimov turında istəleklər,” Gölsem Möxəmmədova)
Ğalimcan finds something to talk about with all of them.
⚪️ The pronouns bar, barlıq, barça, böten, etc. designate a number, amount, quantity of persons, things, etc. as a whole. They may function as adjectives and as nouns and can be used in the singular and plural. When functioning as nouns, they often form a possessive relation with their antecedent. If the antecedent is not expressed, it is denoted by the respective possessive suffix on the pronoun.
Let's look at the use of these words in the dialog:
A: Səlam, Nuriyə! Köneñ niçek ütte?
B: Səlam, Artur! İrtə buyı proyektımnı eşlədem.
A: İskitkeç! Sin ofistağı hərkemgə presentasıya yasarğa tiyeş ideñ dip işettem. Niçek buldı?
B: Hərkem belən ayırım söyləştem, həmməse də oşadı. Xezməttəşlәremneñ hərqaysınıñ faydalı fikerləre bar ide.
A: Şəp! Hər keşene isәpkә aluwıñ iskitkeç.
B: Rəxmət, Artur! Hərber keşene qatnaştıru yaxşıraq nəticəgə ireşerğə bulışa dip sanıym.
________________
A: Hi, Nuriyə! How was your day?
B: Hey, Artur! I spent the whole morning working on my project.
A: That's awesome! I heard you had to present to everybody in the office. How did it go?
B: Yeah, I did! I spoke to everyone individually, and they all liked it. Every colleague had some helpful feedback.
A: That's fantastic! It's impressive how you involve each person.
B: Thanks, Artur! I believe that including everyone helps in creating a better outcome.
❤19👍1🤔1
Telegraph
Aq yılan
#tt_advanced
❤🔥15❤7👍1
#tt_advanced
Aq yılan
In an interview with Tatar-Inform, Rabit Batulla emphasizes the importance of Tatar tales, particularly "Saq-Soq," in preserving cultural values. He highlights the relevance of these tales in teaching valuable lessons, such as the importance of harmony among siblings and respect for parents.
“The mother teaches her children to live in harmony. After all, the children quarreled over a single arrow. Do you see how Tatars and Başqorts are quarreling now? This is what it's about! What a great tale! Why don't we teach it in kindergartens, schools, and universities, and why don't we make movies about it?” Rabit Batulla says.
"Aq Büre" is a crucial Tatar tale, celebrating the Turkic connection to the wolf as a guardian of nature. Notably, Tatar tales avoid portraying wolves as evil, in contrast to Russian tales. "Aq Yılan" imparts the lesson of respecting and honoring the wisdom of snakes.
Rabit Batulla discusses the positive symbolism in Tatar tales, contrasting them with misinterpretations in popular culture. For example, he clarifies that Şürəle, often portrayed as menacing, is a guardian of the forest. Similarly, the water spirit in "Su Anası" is portrayed positively, teaching children not to take things that don't belong to them.
I invite you to read "Saq-Soq" if you haven’t yet, and this week I’ve prepared the transliterated version of "Aq Yılan" for you.
Do you like these tales? Would you like to read more tales in the Latin script with helpful vocabulary? Do you have any suggestions? Let me know.
Aq yılan
In an interview with Tatar-Inform, Rabit Batulla emphasizes the importance of Tatar tales, particularly "Saq-Soq," in preserving cultural values. He highlights the relevance of these tales in teaching valuable lessons, such as the importance of harmony among siblings and respect for parents.
“The mother teaches her children to live in harmony. After all, the children quarreled over a single arrow. Do you see how Tatars and Başqorts are quarreling now? This is what it's about! What a great tale! Why don't we teach it in kindergartens, schools, and universities, and why don't we make movies about it?” Rabit Batulla says.
"Aq Büre" is a crucial Tatar tale, celebrating the Turkic connection to the wolf as a guardian of nature. Notably, Tatar tales avoid portraying wolves as evil, in contrast to Russian tales. "Aq Yılan" imparts the lesson of respecting and honoring the wisdom of snakes.
Rabit Batulla discusses the positive symbolism in Tatar tales, contrasting them with misinterpretations in popular culture. For example, he clarifies that Şürəle, often portrayed as menacing, is a guardian of the forest. Similarly, the water spirit in "Su Anası" is portrayed positively, teaching children not to take things that don't belong to them.
I invite you to read "Saq-Soq" if you haven’t yet, and this week I’ve prepared the transliterated version of "Aq Yılan" for you.
Do you like these tales? Would you like to read more tales in the Latin script with helpful vocabulary? Do you have any suggestions? Let me know.
❤25
#tt_culture
Ajdaha and Yuxa-qız
🐉 Tatars have a fascinating folklore tradition involving snakes. In their tales, all snakes are black, except for their prince, Aq Yılan or Yılan-patşa, who is white. Unlike the black snakes that are often depicted as adversaries to humans, Aq Yılan is a benevolent and protective entity, aiding and warning people. If you read the lastest post with a Tatar tale, you would see that Aq Yılan is portrayed as a mystical being with supernatural abilities, including prophetic visions. The reverence for the color white, deep-rooted in ancient beliefs, contributes to the positive perception of Aq Yılan.
🐲 According to Tatar folklore, when a snake reaches the age of one hundred, it transforms into a dragon - ajdaha. Dragons, however, live for a thousand years and are not found in the Tatar region. Instead, they are carried away by clouds to a sea island. During this journey, it's said that the dragon can be seen in the clouds, beating its tail.
🧝🏼♀️ On the island, after a thousand years, the dragon transforms into a Yuxa-girl. Yuxa can take on various human forms, often appearing as a beautiful girl. When she marries a Tatar man, the husband loves his Yuxa wife passionatly, but loses more and more weight and becomes frail over time. To identify a Yuxa, Tatars look for specific signs: bad breath, a strong need for water and the absence of a belly button.
The ultimate goal of a Yuxa-girl is to eat her Tatar husband if he succumbs to her deceit. However, there are ways Tatars can protect themselves from Yuxa.
🔥 In one story, a prince built an iron tower without windows or doors, lured Yuxa inside, sealed the entrance, and surrounded it with firewood to burn her. Yuxa, in her snake form, fiercely attacked the tower, shaking it with her tail. When Yuxa decayed in the tower, people began to take her ashes and make medicine from it, called “theriac”*.
🌊 In another tale, Yuxa is the youngest daughter of Su Anası. She lacks the ability to bear children, resulting in her harboring a deep affection for other people's offspring, often subjecting these children to torment that ultimately drives them to madness. She sustains herself solely on water, abstaining from food consumption. Remarkably, even prayers like "Bismillahi" fail to have any effect on her, indicating her resistance to spiritual forces.
Legend has it that a man once found himself married to this entity, known as Yuxa. This occurred after he wed the most beautiful woman, who became his third wife. Initially, he observed peculiar changes in his first wife, who gradually fell ill and eventually passed away, leaving him in mourning and perplexed by her sudden ailment. Subsequently, his second wife fell ill as well, prompting him to investigate the mysterious affliction.
During the month of Ramadan, the man's youngest wife displayed bizarre behavior by voraciously drinking water at night while abstaining from eating. Troubled by these actions, he decided to conceal the water source to observe her reaction. To his astonishment, she left the house and ventured out during the night. He followed her to a nearby lake, where she drank water in a snake-like manner.
Perplexed and uncertain about how to proceed, the husband sought advice from a neighbor. The neighbor recommended a solution involving the entity's mother. Following her guidance, the man used a comb to summon the entity's mother, ultimately saving his second wife and children from the clutches of Yuxa.
__________
*Theriac is a medical concoction originally labelled by the Greeks in the 1st century AD and widely adopted in the ancient world as far away as Persia, China and India via the trading links of the Silk Route. It was an antidote, considered a panacea and contained 64 ingredients: different herbs, snake flesh and opium.
Ajdaha and Yuxa-qız
🐉 Tatars have a fascinating folklore tradition involving snakes. In their tales, all snakes are black, except for their prince, Aq Yılan or Yılan-patşa, who is white. Unlike the black snakes that are often depicted as adversaries to humans, Aq Yılan is a benevolent and protective entity, aiding and warning people. If you read the lastest post with a Tatar tale, you would see that Aq Yılan is portrayed as a mystical being with supernatural abilities, including prophetic visions. The reverence for the color white, deep-rooted in ancient beliefs, contributes to the positive perception of Aq Yılan.
🐲 According to Tatar folklore, when a snake reaches the age of one hundred, it transforms into a dragon - ajdaha. Dragons, however, live for a thousand years and are not found in the Tatar region. Instead, they are carried away by clouds to a sea island. During this journey, it's said that the dragon can be seen in the clouds, beating its tail.
🧝🏼♀️ On the island, after a thousand years, the dragon transforms into a Yuxa-girl. Yuxa can take on various human forms, often appearing as a beautiful girl. When she marries a Tatar man, the husband loves his Yuxa wife passionatly, but loses more and more weight and becomes frail over time. To identify a Yuxa, Tatars look for specific signs: bad breath, a strong need for water and the absence of a belly button.
The ultimate goal of a Yuxa-girl is to eat her Tatar husband if he succumbs to her deceit. However, there are ways Tatars can protect themselves from Yuxa.
🔥 In one story, a prince built an iron tower without windows or doors, lured Yuxa inside, sealed the entrance, and surrounded it with firewood to burn her. Yuxa, in her snake form, fiercely attacked the tower, shaking it with her tail. When Yuxa decayed in the tower, people began to take her ashes and make medicine from it, called “theriac”*.
🌊 In another tale, Yuxa is the youngest daughter of Su Anası. She lacks the ability to bear children, resulting in her harboring a deep affection for other people's offspring, often subjecting these children to torment that ultimately drives them to madness. She sustains herself solely on water, abstaining from food consumption. Remarkably, even prayers like "Bismillahi" fail to have any effect on her, indicating her resistance to spiritual forces.
Legend has it that a man once found himself married to this entity, known as Yuxa. This occurred after he wed the most beautiful woman, who became his third wife. Initially, he observed peculiar changes in his first wife, who gradually fell ill and eventually passed away, leaving him in mourning and perplexed by her sudden ailment. Subsequently, his second wife fell ill as well, prompting him to investigate the mysterious affliction.
During the month of Ramadan, the man's youngest wife displayed bizarre behavior by voraciously drinking water at night while abstaining from eating. Troubled by these actions, he decided to conceal the water source to observe her reaction. To his astonishment, she left the house and ventured out during the night. He followed her to a nearby lake, where she drank water in a snake-like manner.
Perplexed and uncertain about how to proceed, the husband sought advice from a neighbor. The neighbor recommended a solution involving the entity's mother. Following her guidance, the man used a comb to summon the entity's mother, ultimately saving his second wife and children from the clutches of Yuxa.
__________
*Theriac is a medical concoction originally labelled by the Greeks in the 1st century AD and widely adopted in the ancient world as far away as Persia, China and India via the trading links of the Silk Route. It was an antidote, considered a panacea and contained 64 ingredients: different herbs, snake flesh and opium.
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#tt_newbie
I have a family
How big is your family? Do you have siblings? Today we’re talking about our families and learning how to say "I have".
keşe – person
ğailə – family
tatu – close-knit
zur – big
keçkenə – small
Let’s learn the names of the family members in Tatar.
əni – mom
ana – mother
əti – dad
ata – father
ul – son
qız – daughter
bala – child
ene – younger brother
abıy – older brother
señel – younger sister
apa – older sister
bertuğannar – siblings
abıynıñ / apanıñ / etc. qızı – niece
abıynıñ / apanıñ / etc. ulı – nephew
dəw əni / əbi – grandma
dəw əti / babay – grandpa
onıq – grandchild
ir – husband
xatın – wife
To talk about our families, we have to learn how to say "i have"
With the addition of bar (there is/ there are) and yuq (there is not/ there are not) the possessive suffixes are used to express "to have" and "to have no".
The possessive pronouns may precede the noun designating the object possessed:
(minem) abıyım bar - I have a brother
(sineñ) abıyıñ bar - you have a brother
(anıñ) abıysı bar - he/she has a brother
(bezneñ) abıyıbız bar - we have a brother
(sezneñ) abıyığız bar - you have a brother
(alarnıñ) abıysı bar - they have a brother
(minem) apam yuq - I don't have a sister
(sineñ) apañ yuq - you don't have a sister
(anıñ) apası yuq - he/she doesn't have a sister
(bezneñ) apabız yuq - we don't have a sister
(sezneñ) apağız yuq - you don't have a sister
(alarnıñ) apası yuq - they don't have a sister
Let’s read the dialog.
A: Səlam! Xəlləreñ niçek?
B: Səlam, barısı da yaxşı. Yal könnəren ğailəm belən ütkərdem. Ə sin?
A: Şəp! Minem də ğailə cıyılışı buldı. Bezneñ işegaldında şaşlıq yasadıq.
B: İskitkeç! Sineñ ğailəñ zurmı?
A: Əye, señlem, apam həm enem bar. Ə sineñ?
B: Min ber bala ğına, bertuğannarım yuq, əmma əti-əniyem tuğannarına bik yaqın. Şulay itep, bez yış cıyılabız.
K: Bik yaxşı. Ğailə belən waqıt ütkərü bik möhim dip uylıym.
B: Əlbəttə!
_____________________
A: Hi! How's everything going?
B: Hey! Everything's good. Just spent the weekend with my family. How about you?
A: That sounds nice! I had a family gathering too. We had a barbecue in the backyard.
B: That's awesome! Do you have a big family?
A: Yeah, I have a younger sister, an older sister and a younger brother. How about you?
B: I'm an only child, so I don't have siblings, but my parents are really close to their relatives. So, we often have gatherings.
A: That's cool. I think spending time with family is really important.
B: Absolutely!
Tell us about your family in the comments!
I have a family
How big is your family? Do you have siblings? Today we’re talking about our families and learning how to say "I have".
keşe – person
ğailə – family
tatu – close-knit
zur – big
keçkenə – small
Let’s learn the names of the family members in Tatar.
əni – mom
ana – mother
əti – dad
ata – father
ul – son
qız – daughter
bala – child
ene – younger brother
abıy – older brother
señel – younger sister
apa – older sister
bertuğannar – siblings
abıynıñ / apanıñ / etc. qızı – niece
abıynıñ / apanıñ / etc. ulı – nephew
dəw əni / əbi – grandma
dəw əti / babay – grandpa
onıq – grandchild
ir – husband
xatın – wife
To talk about our families, we have to learn how to say "i have"
With the addition of bar (there is/ there are) and yuq (there is not/ there are not) the possessive suffixes are used to express "to have" and "to have no".
The possessive pronouns may precede the noun designating the object possessed:
(minem) abıyım bar - I have a brother
(sineñ) abıyıñ bar - you have a brother
(anıñ) abıysı bar - he/she has a brother
(bezneñ) abıyıbız bar - we have a brother
(sezneñ) abıyığız bar - you have a brother
(alarnıñ) abıysı bar - they have a brother
(minem) apam yuq - I don't have a sister
(sineñ) apañ yuq - you don't have a sister
(anıñ) apası yuq - he/she doesn't have a sister
(bezneñ) apabız yuq - we don't have a sister
(sezneñ) apağız yuq - you don't have a sister
(alarnıñ) apası yuq - they don't have a sister
Let’s read the dialog.
A: Səlam! Xəlləreñ niçek?
B: Səlam, barısı da yaxşı. Yal könnəren ğailəm belən ütkərdem. Ə sin?
A: Şəp! Minem də ğailə cıyılışı buldı. Bezneñ işegaldında şaşlıq yasadıq.
B: İskitkeç! Sineñ ğailəñ zurmı?
A: Əye, señlem, apam həm enem bar. Ə sineñ?
B: Min ber bala ğına, bertuğannarım yuq, əmma əti-əniyem tuğannarına bik yaqın. Şulay itep, bez yış cıyılabız.
K: Bik yaxşı. Ğailə belən waqıt ütkərü bik möhim dip uylıym.
B: Əlbəttə!
_____________________
A: Hi! How's everything going?
B: Hey! Everything's good. Just spent the weekend with my family. How about you?
A: That sounds nice! I had a family gathering too. We had a barbecue in the backyard.
B: That's awesome! Do you have a big family?
A: Yeah, I have a younger sister, an older sister and a younger brother. How about you?
B: I'm an only child, so I don't have siblings, but my parents are really close to their relatives. So, we often have gatherings.
A: That's cool. I think spending time with family is really important.
B: Absolutely!
Tell us about your family in the comments!
👍19❤7🔥1
#tt_intermediate
Family tree
Continuing our family topic, we’re going to complete our family tree with aaaaaall the relatives. Everyone is invited to learn with us: your mom’s sister’s husband, your brother’s wife’s parents and your cat’s little sister.
şəcərə – family tree
abzıy – uncle (parent’s brother)
cizni – uncle (aunt’s husband)
tüti, tütəy – aunt (parent’s sister)
ciñgi – aunt (uncle’s wife)
iketuğan ene/abıy – male cousin
iketuğan señel/apa – female cousin
ügi ana – stepmother
ügi ata – stepfather
üksez – orphan
əti-əni / ata-ana – parents
ata-baba – ancestors
tuğan – relative
ıruğ – tribe
buwın – generation
nəsel – descendant
baldız – wife’s younger sister
qayınseñel – husband’s younger sister
qayınigəç – partner’s older sister
baca, bacay – wife’s older sister’s husband
qayınene – partner’s younger brother
qayınağa – partner’s older brother
qayınata – partner’s father
qayınana – partner’s mother
kiyəw – son-in-law
kilen – daughter-in-law
qayınana – mother-in-law
qayınata – father-in-law
qoda – father of one partner to parents of another partner
qodağıy – mother of one partner to parents of another partner
cizni – husband of older sister
kiyəw – husband of younger sister
ciñgi – wife of older brother
kilen – wife of younger brother
yörgən yeget – boyfriend
yörgən qız – girlfriend
kiyəwdə – married (to a man)
öyləngən – married (to a woman)
kiyəwdə tügel – not married (to a man)
öylənməgən – not married (to a woman)
tuy - wedding
ayırılğan - divorced
ayırılışu - divorce
Have I missed someone? Tell me in the comments 👇🏼
Family tree
Continuing our family topic, we’re going to complete our family tree with aaaaaall the relatives. Everyone is invited to learn with us: your mom’s sister’s husband, your brother’s wife’s parents and your cat’s little sister.
şəcərə – family tree
abzıy – uncle (parent’s brother)
cizni – uncle (aunt’s husband)
tüti, tütəy – aunt (parent’s sister)
ciñgi – aunt (uncle’s wife)
iketuğan ene/abıy – male cousin
iketuğan señel/apa – female cousin
ügi ana – stepmother
ügi ata – stepfather
üksez – orphan
əti-əni / ata-ana – parents
ata-baba – ancestors
tuğan – relative
ıruğ – tribe
buwın – generation
nəsel – descendant
baldız – wife’s younger sister
qayınseñel – husband’s younger sister
qayınigəç – partner’s older sister
baca, bacay – wife’s older sister’s husband
qayınene – partner’s younger brother
qayınağa – partner’s older brother
qayınata – partner’s father
qayınana – partner’s mother
kiyəw – son-in-law
kilen – daughter-in-law
qayınana – mother-in-law
qayınata – father-in-law
qoda – father of one partner to parents of another partner
qodağıy – mother of one partner to parents of another partner
cizni – husband of older sister
kiyəw – husband of younger sister
ciñgi – wife of older brother
kilen – wife of younger brother
yörgən yeget – boyfriend
yörgən qız – girlfriend
kiyəwdə – married (to a man)
öyləngən – married (to a woman)
kiyəwdə tügel – not married (to a man)
öylənməgən – not married (to a woman)
tuy - wedding
ayırılğan - divorced
ayırılışu - divorce
Have I missed someone? Tell me in the comments 👇🏼
❤19👍7🔥2
#tt_beginner
Reciprocal Pronouns
Reciprocity in Tatar is expressed by reciprocal verbs and reciprocal pronouns governed by transitive verbs or postpositions.
↔️ The reciprocal pronouns are formed by reduplication of the numeral ber: ber-ber, plus the possessive suffixes:
ber-berebez – each other (we)
ber-beregez – each other (you)
ber-bere, ber-berse, ber-berləre – each other (they)
The various case endings required by the verb or postposition governing the reciprocal pronoun are joined to the possessive suffixes.
↔️ The reciprocal pronouns are primarily used:
a) With verbs which in Tatar cannot be made into true reciprocal verbs:
uqu (to read), eşləw (to work)
b) With verbs the reciprocal form of which has a different meaning.
belü (to know) – beleşü (to ask, make inquiries)
bülü (to divide / interrupt) – büleşü (to divide, to share)
Alar ber-beren belmilər ide, alar Tahirnı ğına belələr ide. (Xəsən Saryan, “Ətkəm hönəre”)
They did not know each other, they only knew Tahir.
Duslar ozaq yıllar küreşməgən, ber-bersen sağınğannar, ... (Şamil Bikçurin, “Tirən qatlam”)
The friends had not seen each other for long years, they had missed each other, ...
Reciprocal Verbs
↔️ Reciprocal verbs are created by adding -ş- to verb stems that end in a vowel (excluding -u-, -i-), as well as -ış- and -eş- to stems ending in a consonant or in the vowels -u-, -i-. This suffix can be attached to transitive and intransitive verb stems in their basic form, reflexive verb stems formed by the suffixes -n-, -ın-, -en-, and verb stems ending in -l-, -ıl-, -el-, whether reflexive or intransitive. Additionally, it can be used with factitive verbs. The reciprocal suffix cannot be added to passive verb stems.
qoçaqla (hug) – qoçaqlaş (hug each other)
oçra (to get encountered) – oçraş (meet each other)
yaz (write) – yazış (text/write each other)
üp (kiss) – übeş (kiss each other)
ayır (separate, detach) – ayırıl (part with) – ayırılış (part from each other, get divorced)
Sin anıñ belən yazışasıñmı? – Do you text each other?
↔️ Apart from reciprocity, the reciprocal verbs can express:
1) A joint execution of an action:
biye (dance) – biyeş (dance together, dance with each other)
utır (sit) – utırış (sit down together)
di (say) – diyeş (say jointly)
maqtan (boast, praise oneself) – maqtanışalar (they boast, praise themselves to each other)
cıyıl (assemble, gather) – cıyılış (assemble, gather, meet each other)
…şawlaşa-şawlaşa qapqa töbenə cıyılıştıq. (Mirsəy Əmir, “Par kügərçen”)
…making a lot of noise, we gathered at the gate.
2) Assistance in carrying out an action:
cıy (gather, collect) – cıyış (help gather, collect)
yu (wash) – yuwış (help wash)
Dus qızına dəres əzerləşergə kitkən. (Ğabdraxman Minskiy, “Qənəfer çəçəge”)
She had gone to her friend to help prepare a lesson.
3) Competition in the execution of an action:
…qaytışlıy bolında yögereştelər… (Ğömər Bəşirov, “Tañ belengəç”)
On their way back … they raced one another in the meadow.
4) Repetition or intensification of an action:
Rəxim institut xəlləren soraşa başladı. (Atilla Rasix, “İke buydaq”)
Rəxim began to ask about conditions at the institute.
The rather frequently used reciprocal verbs:
añlaşılu – to understand each other , to come to an understanding
söyləşü – to speak, talk to somebody
kileşü – to agree, consent
Some (few) verbs have -ş- / -ış- / -eş- is an inseparable part of their stem. For example:
almaş – exchange, barter (for)
könləş – be jealous of
körəş – fight, wrestle
qatnaş – participate, join
qatış – mix, blend, interfere
tırış – try hard, endeavor
urnaş – find room, fit in
uqmaş – crumple, curdle
ızğış – quarrel
↔️ Some verbs take on a different meaning when -ş-, -ış-, -eş- is joined to them. For example:
kür (see) – küreş (greet each other, meet/visit each other)
al (take) – alış (take jointly, exchange, barter)
cit (suffice, be sufficient, get to, arrive at) – citeş (ripen, have enough time to do something)
tart (pull, draw) – tartış (quarrel)
Reciprocal Pronouns
Reciprocity in Tatar is expressed by reciprocal verbs and reciprocal pronouns governed by transitive verbs or postpositions.
↔️ The reciprocal pronouns are formed by reduplication of the numeral ber: ber-ber, plus the possessive suffixes:
ber-berebez – each other (we)
ber-beregez – each other (you)
ber-bere, ber-berse, ber-berləre – each other (they)
The various case endings required by the verb or postposition governing the reciprocal pronoun are joined to the possessive suffixes.
↔️ The reciprocal pronouns are primarily used:
a) With verbs which in Tatar cannot be made into true reciprocal verbs:
uqu (to read), eşləw (to work)
b) With verbs the reciprocal form of which has a different meaning.
belü (to know) – beleşü (to ask, make inquiries)
bülü (to divide / interrupt) – büleşü (to divide, to share)
Alar ber-beren belmilər ide, alar Tahirnı ğına belələr ide. (Xəsən Saryan, “Ətkəm hönəre”)
They did not know each other, they only knew Tahir.
Duslar ozaq yıllar küreşməgən, ber-bersen sağınğannar, ... (Şamil Bikçurin, “Tirən qatlam”)
The friends had not seen each other for long years, they had missed each other, ...
Reciprocal Verbs
↔️ Reciprocal verbs are created by adding -ş- to verb stems that end in a vowel (excluding -u-, -i-), as well as -ış- and -eş- to stems ending in a consonant or in the vowels -u-, -i-. This suffix can be attached to transitive and intransitive verb stems in their basic form, reflexive verb stems formed by the suffixes -n-, -ın-, -en-, and verb stems ending in -l-, -ıl-, -el-, whether reflexive or intransitive. Additionally, it can be used with factitive verbs. The reciprocal suffix cannot be added to passive verb stems.
qoçaqla (hug) – qoçaqlaş (hug each other)
oçra (to get encountered) – oçraş (meet each other)
yaz (write) – yazış (text/write each other)
üp (kiss) – übeş (kiss each other)
ayır (separate, detach) – ayırıl (part with) – ayırılış (part from each other, get divorced)
Sin anıñ belən yazışasıñmı? – Do you text each other?
↔️ Apart from reciprocity, the reciprocal verbs can express:
1) A joint execution of an action:
biye (dance) – biyeş (dance together, dance with each other)
utır (sit) – utırış (sit down together)
di (say) – diyeş (say jointly)
maqtan (boast, praise oneself) – maqtanışalar (they boast, praise themselves to each other)
cıyıl (assemble, gather) – cıyılış (assemble, gather, meet each other)
…şawlaşa-şawlaşa qapqa töbenə cıyılıştıq. (Mirsəy Əmir, “Par kügərçen”)
…making a lot of noise, we gathered at the gate.
2) Assistance in carrying out an action:
cıy (gather, collect) – cıyış (help gather, collect)
yu (wash) – yuwış (help wash)
Dus qızına dəres əzerləşergə kitkən. (Ğabdraxman Minskiy, “Qənəfer çəçəge”)
She had gone to her friend to help prepare a lesson.
3) Competition in the execution of an action:
…qaytışlıy bolında yögereştelər… (Ğömər Bəşirov, “Tañ belengəç”)
On their way back … they raced one another in the meadow.
4) Repetition or intensification of an action:
Rəxim institut xəlləren soraşa başladı. (Atilla Rasix, “İke buydaq”)
Rəxim began to ask about conditions at the institute.
The rather frequently used reciprocal verbs:
añlaşılu – to understand each other , to come to an understanding
söyləşü – to speak, talk to somebody
kileşü – to agree, consent
Some (few) verbs have -ş- / -ış- / -eş- is an inseparable part of their stem. For example:
almaş – exchange, barter (for)
könləş – be jealous of
körəş – fight, wrestle
qatnaş – participate, join
qatış – mix, blend, interfere
tırış – try hard, endeavor
urnaş – find room, fit in
uqmaş – crumple, curdle
ızğış – quarrel
↔️ Some verbs take on a different meaning when -ş-, -ış-, -eş- is joined to them. For example:
kür (see) – küreş (greet each other, meet/visit each other)
al (take) – alış (take jointly, exchange, barter)
cit (suffice, be sufficient, get to, arrive at) – citeş (ripen, have enough time to do something)
tart (pull, draw) – tartış (quarrel)
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#tt_advanced
Past Participles
⚡️ The past participle in -ğan, -gən, -qan, -kən.
This past participle is formed by joining the above suffix to the verb stem (i.e., in form, it is identical to the past tense II stem of the verb).
💫 The past participle in -ğan, -gən, -qan, -kən, although commonly called “the past participle”, can refer to the past, the present, the extended present (future), or to the general present (timelessness).
... tramvay ul torğan yorttan arı kitmi. (Mirsəy Əmir, “Qazan uramnarında”)
... the tram does not go beyond the house in which he lives.
Qazanğa qaytıp töşkəç tə, min iñ elek üzem uqığan mədrəsəyi Möxəmmədiyəgə bardım. (Zarif Bəşiri, “Zamandaşlarım belən oçraşular”)
Immediately after returning to Kazan, I went to the Möxəmmədiyə medrese where I myself had studied.
Şul waqıt bezneñ başlağan möqətdəs eşlər məydanğa kiler. (Səğit Sünçələy, “Sənğətçelər”)
At that moment, the sacred work which we have begun will be realized.
💫 The past participle in -ğan, -gən, -qan, -kən can function as an adjective. It can be the attribute or the predicate in a sentence.
Bu – tuzğan kiyem. – These are worn-out clothes.
Minem kiyemem tuzğan. – My clothes are worn out.
Bez yabılğan işek aldında tordıq. – We stood before the closed door.
Bülməneñ işege yabılğan. – The door of the room is closed.
💫 The past participles ending in -ğan, -gən, -qan, -kən can act as verbal nouns and as substantives. While they can be possessed, pluralized, and declined like regular nouns, they serve distinct functions. When used as a verbal noun, the participle signifies the ongoing process of an action, relevant to both past and present. On the other hand, as a substantivized participle, it signifies the subject or object of the action it represents.
a) The participle is a verbal noun.
Məskəwgə uqırğa kergəneñne əyttelər. (Tufan Miñnullin, “Xəsən Wəğizoviç”)
They said that you had gone to Moscow to study.
b) The participle is substantivized.
Teləməgənnər söyləməs. Berkemne köçləw yuq. (Ayaz Ğiləcev, “Bez unike qız idek”)
Those who don't want to will not speak. There is no forcing anybody.
💫 The participle can be declined by cases and can express different things, such as:
Cause, reason:
Döresen əytkəndə, min əti quşqanğa ğına yördem. (Rəfqət Kərami, “Yörəgemne ut alğan”)
To tell the truth, I only went because father ordered me to.
Ber kön eşləməgənnən bez də ülməbez, ... (Fatix Xösni, “Cəyəwle keşe suqmağı”)
We won't die from not working one day, ...
Time:
Alar kitkəngə inde küp kenə waqıt uzğan ide. (Fatix Xösni, “Cəyəwle keşe suqmağı”)
Much time had already passed when they were leaving.
Alar urta məktəptə uqığanda uq tanışlar ide. (Qoyaş Timbikova, “Yarlar biyek”)
They had already been acquaintances when they studied in middle school.
Condition:
Əgər uqıtqanda, öyrətkəndə, çın rəssam çıqmas idemeni?! (Əmirxan Yeniki, “Soñğı kitap”)
If they had taught him, wouldn't he, then, have become a real painter?
Past Participles
⚡️ The past participle in -ğan, -gən, -qan, -kən.
This past participle is formed by joining the above suffix to the verb stem (i.e., in form, it is identical to the past tense II stem of the verb).
💫 The past participle in -ğan, -gən, -qan, -kən, although commonly called “the past participle”, can refer to the past, the present, the extended present (future), or to the general present (timelessness).
... tramvay ul torğan yorttan arı kitmi. (Mirsəy Əmir, “Qazan uramnarında”)
... the tram does not go beyond the house in which he lives.
Qazanğa qaytıp töşkəç tə, min iñ elek üzem uqığan mədrəsəyi Möxəmmədiyəgə bardım. (Zarif Bəşiri, “Zamandaşlarım belən oçraşular”)
Immediately after returning to Kazan, I went to the Möxəmmədiyə medrese where I myself had studied.
Şul waqıt bezneñ başlağan möqətdəs eşlər məydanğa kiler. (Səğit Sünçələy, “Sənğətçelər”)
At that moment, the sacred work which we have begun will be realized.
💫 The past participle in -ğan, -gən, -qan, -kən can function as an adjective. It can be the attribute or the predicate in a sentence.
Bu – tuzğan kiyem. – These are worn-out clothes.
Minem kiyemem tuzğan. – My clothes are worn out.
Bez yabılğan işek aldında tordıq. – We stood before the closed door.
Bülməneñ işege yabılğan. – The door of the room is closed.
💫 The past participles ending in -ğan, -gən, -qan, -kən can act as verbal nouns and as substantives. While they can be possessed, pluralized, and declined like regular nouns, they serve distinct functions. When used as a verbal noun, the participle signifies the ongoing process of an action, relevant to both past and present. On the other hand, as a substantivized participle, it signifies the subject or object of the action it represents.
a) The participle is a verbal noun.
Məskəwgə uqırğa kergəneñne əyttelər. (Tufan Miñnullin, “Xəsən Wəğizoviç”)
They said that you had gone to Moscow to study.
b) The participle is substantivized.
Teləməgənnər söyləməs. Berkemne köçləw yuq. (Ayaz Ğiləcev, “Bez unike qız idek”)
Those who don't want to will not speak. There is no forcing anybody.
💫 The participle can be declined by cases and can express different things, such as:
Cause, reason:
Döresen əytkəndə, min əti quşqanğa ğına yördem. (Rəfqət Kərami, “Yörəgemne ut alğan”)
To tell the truth, I only went because father ordered me to.
Ber kön eşləməgənnən bez də ülməbez, ... (Fatix Xösni, “Cəyəwle keşe suqmağı”)
We won't die from not working one day, ...
Time:
Alar kitkəngə inde küp kenə waqıt uzğan ide. (Fatix Xösni, “Cəyəwle keşe suqmağı”)
Much time had already passed when they were leaving.
Alar urta məktəptə uqığanda uq tanışlar ide. (Qoyaş Timbikova, “Yarlar biyek”)
They had already been acquaintances when they studied in middle school.
Condition:
Əgər uqıtqanda, öyrətkəndə, çın rəssam çıqmas idemeni?! (Əmirxan Yeniki, “Soñğı kitap”)
If they had taught him, wouldn't he, then, have become a real painter?
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Learn Tatar pinned «#tt_info Səlam, duslar! ✨ This project is my work of passion and takes a lot of my free time and creative energy. If you like what I do, please consider supporting Learn Tatar with a small donation on Paypal. If you don’t have an opportunity to support financially…»
#tt_culture
Moñ
The concept of moñ holds a profound significance among Tatar speakers. It represents an untranslatable emotional experience that encompasses grief, sorrow, melancholic songs, and a shared sense of collective suffering. The emotional connection fostered through moñ serves as a unifying force among Tatars, despite its flexible interpretations, and plays a pivotal role in reinforcing their collective identity. Importantly, moñ remains a relatively unfamiliar aspect of Tatar culture to Russians, underscoring the complex dynamics of the colonial relationship between these two groups.
Moñ serves not only as a cultural practice but also as a deeply ingrained ideology that forms an integral part of Tatar identity in post-Soviet Russia. It functions as a means of connecting the present with the past, a source of strength during difficult times, and the essence of Tatar existence. A parallel can be drawn between “moñ” and “iman” (faith), with both being gifts from a higher power, highlighting the spiritual and emotional dimensions of this concept.
The transmission of moñ from one generation to the next primarily occurs through songs. Instead of directly addressing historical events, they convey the burden of existence through allegorical themes. Common motifs include separation, often a euphemism for death, and the universalized love of a mother. This allegorical approach is particularly remarkable given the historical atrocities and hardships that Tatars have endured, including the Russian conquest and the era of Soviet rule.
The concept of moñ also offers unique insights into Tatar emotions. It provides a platform for individuals to disconnect from their immediate surroundings and delve deep into their inner world, where they can contemplate their grief and sorrow. While Tatars universally share a similar experience of moñ, they express their individuality through diverse interpretations, strengthening their sense of collective belonging while respecting individual variation, contributing to peaceful coexistence within the community.
Among the younger generation, cultural dynamics shift, with urban Tatars influenced by Russian language dominance and rural Tatars adapting to post-Soviet changes. The tradition of singing "moñful" songs diminishes, replaced by a preference for popular and foreign music. Despite linguistic and cultural shifts, younger Tatars still feel a profound connection to moñ, likening it to the blues – a soulful expression of their experiences. The enduring significance of moñ in Tatar culture persists, shaping the evolving landscape of the Tatar identity.
____________
Based on “Nation, Language, Islam” by Helen M. Faller, ch. 7
Moñ
The concept of moñ holds a profound significance among Tatar speakers. It represents an untranslatable emotional experience that encompasses grief, sorrow, melancholic songs, and a shared sense of collective suffering. The emotional connection fostered through moñ serves as a unifying force among Tatars, despite its flexible interpretations, and plays a pivotal role in reinforcing their collective identity. Importantly, moñ remains a relatively unfamiliar aspect of Tatar culture to Russians, underscoring the complex dynamics of the colonial relationship between these two groups.
Moñ serves not only as a cultural practice but also as a deeply ingrained ideology that forms an integral part of Tatar identity in post-Soviet Russia. It functions as a means of connecting the present with the past, a source of strength during difficult times, and the essence of Tatar existence. A parallel can be drawn between “moñ” and “iman” (faith), with both being gifts from a higher power, highlighting the spiritual and emotional dimensions of this concept.
The transmission of moñ from one generation to the next primarily occurs through songs. Instead of directly addressing historical events, they convey the burden of existence through allegorical themes. Common motifs include separation, often a euphemism for death, and the universalized love of a mother. This allegorical approach is particularly remarkable given the historical atrocities and hardships that Tatars have endured, including the Russian conquest and the era of Soviet rule.
The concept of moñ also offers unique insights into Tatar emotions. It provides a platform for individuals to disconnect from their immediate surroundings and delve deep into their inner world, where they can contemplate their grief and sorrow. While Tatars universally share a similar experience of moñ, they express their individuality through diverse interpretations, strengthening their sense of collective belonging while respecting individual variation, contributing to peaceful coexistence within the community.
Among the younger generation, cultural dynamics shift, with urban Tatars influenced by Russian language dominance and rural Tatars adapting to post-Soviet changes. The tradition of singing "moñful" songs diminishes, replaced by a preference for popular and foreign music. Despite linguistic and cultural shifts, younger Tatars still feel a profound connection to moñ, likening it to the blues – a soulful expression of their experiences. The enduring significance of moñ in Tatar culture persists, shaping the evolving landscape of the Tatar identity.
____________
Based on “Nation, Language, Islam” by Helen M. Faller, ch. 7
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#tt_newbie
Formation of the Plural
The plural is formed by means of the suffix -lar / -lər / -nar / nər, joined to the noun in accordance with the rules of vowel and consonant harmony. With compound nouns, the suffix is always attached to the last component. If that component has the possessive suffix, the plural ending is joined first and the possessive suffix is in turn added to it.
at (horse) – atlar (horses)
et (dog) – etlər (dogs)
keşe (person) – keşelər (persons, people)
bala (child) – balalar (children)
universitet (university) – universitetlar (universities)
urınbasar (deputy, representative) – urınbasarlar (deputies, representatives)
kömeş qaşıq (silver spoon) – kömeş qaşıqlar (silver spoons)
altın səğət (gold watch) – altın səğətlər (gold watches)
Pay attention, that if a stem ends in a nasal sound -m / -ñ / -n, the plural suffixes change to -nar / -nər:
uram (street) – uramnar (streets)
bəyrəm (holiday) – bəyrəmnər (holidays)
urman (forest) – urmannar (forests)
idən (floor) – idənnər (floors)
Formation of the Plural
The plural is formed by means of the suffix -lar / -lər / -nar / nər, joined to the noun in accordance with the rules of vowel and consonant harmony. With compound nouns, the suffix is always attached to the last component. If that component has the possessive suffix, the plural ending is joined first and the possessive suffix is in turn added to it.
at (horse) – atlar (horses)
et (dog) – etlər (dogs)
keşe (person) – keşelər (persons, people)
bala (child) – balalar (children)
universitet (university) – universitetlar (universities)
urınbasar (deputy, representative) – urınbasarlar (deputies, representatives)
kömeş qaşıq (silver spoon) – kömeş qaşıqlar (silver spoons)
altın səğət (gold watch) – altın səğətlər (gold watches)
Pay attention, that if a stem ends in a nasal sound -m / -ñ / -n, the plural suffixes change to -nar / -nər:
uram (street) – uramnar (streets)
bəyrəm (holiday) – bəyrəmnər (holidays)
urman (forest) – urmannar (forests)
idən (floor) – idənnər (floors)
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#tt_beginner
Relative pronouns
Today we have a short lesson on relative pronouns for you. They are commonly used in pairs both in the literary language and in the vernacular. Such pairs consist mostly of an interrogative pronoun in the first part of the sentence and a demonstrative pronoun in the second one. The subordinate clause precedes the main clause.
…qılıçnı kem alıp kilsə, qızımnı şuña birəm dip əytte ... (Tatar xalıq əkiyətləre, “Tire Taqıya”)
…he said “I’ll give my daughter to the one who brings me the sword…”
Niçek yazılğan, şulay eşlədek. (Fərit Ğilmetdinov, “Yılğanıñ borılğan töşendə”)
We did it as it was written.
Sin uzeñ qaydan kildeñ, şunda kit. (Tatar xalıq əkiyətləre, “Aq büre”)
You yourself go back where you came from.
Awılda niqədər maşina küp bulsa, şulqədər yaxşırak, tügelme? (Nurixan Fəttax, “Kiçü”)
The greater the amount of (agricultural) machinery in a village, the better, right?
Relative pronouns
Today we have a short lesson on relative pronouns for you. They are commonly used in pairs both in the literary language and in the vernacular. Such pairs consist mostly of an interrogative pronoun in the first part of the sentence and a demonstrative pronoun in the second one. The subordinate clause precedes the main clause.
…qılıçnı kem alıp kilsə, qızımnı şuña birəm dip əytte ... (Tatar xalıq əkiyətləre, “Tire Taqıya”)
…he said “I’ll give my daughter to the one who brings me the sword…”
Niçek yazılğan, şulay eşlədek. (Fərit Ğilmetdinov, “Yılğanıñ borılğan töşendə”)
We did it as it was written.
Sin uzeñ qaydan kildeñ, şunda kit. (Tatar xalıq əkiyətləre, “Aq büre”)
You yourself go back where you came from.
Awılda niqədər maşina küp bulsa, şulqədər yaxşırak, tügelme? (Nurixan Fəttax, “Kiçü”)
The greater the amount of (agricultural) machinery in a village, the better, right?
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#tt_culture
Winter rites: Narduğan
❄️ Narduğan, an ancient celebration marking the winter solstice among the Tatars and other Volga region communities, unfolds on December 21-22. Known as "Narduğan" for Bashkorts, Udmurts, Chuvash, Erzya, Moksha, and "Raştuwa" for Tatars-Mişәrs, its name traces back to Mongolian "nar" (sun) and Tatar "tuğan" (born), reflecting reverence for the sun as the supreme deity (Tengri). It symbolizes the sun's magical rebirth after the winter solstice, setting the stage for festive Narduğan celebrations.
❄️ Costumed processions called "Narduğan bulıp cörü" or "Narduğan babaları," feature participants portraying bears and goats, dressing as an old man or an old lady, young men dressing as girls, talking in a different voice and concealing their faces. In some Tatar villages, the dressed up participants of the festival were not welcomed as it went against Muslim beliefs, in others, inviting people in costumes inside and giving them treats was believed to bring good harvest.
❄️ For Kerəşens, Narduğan spans from December 25 to January 5. In Noqrat Tatar communities, children joyfully hop between houses, singing verses with New Year wishes for happiness and good harvest. Mişәr Tatars engage in making sweets like "bawırsak," alongside costumed processions and fortune-telling about fate and marriage.
❄️ One of the central elements of the festival is ring divination with lively songs ("yezek salu"). Picture unmarried youths, mainly girls, gathering at a house. One ventures to an ice hole, scoops water without looking back, and everyone drops their rings into it while singing divinatory verses. The youngest participant retrieves a ring, determining the owner's fate based on the song's content.
Despite efforts by Muslim clergy to eradicate Narduğan as a pagan manifestation, ethnographer X. Gatina notes its persistence in Tatar-populated areas until the early 20th century.
🤔 Did you like reading about this ancient Tatar celebration? Do you think such festivals are worth being rediscovered and learnt about? Let me know 👇🏼
________________
Based on R. Urazmanova “Rites and holidays of Tatars of the Volga Region and Ural” 2001
Winter rites: Narduğan
❄️ Narduğan, an ancient celebration marking the winter solstice among the Tatars and other Volga region communities, unfolds on December 21-22. Known as "Narduğan" for Bashkorts, Udmurts, Chuvash, Erzya, Moksha, and "Raştuwa" for Tatars-Mişәrs, its name traces back to Mongolian "nar" (sun) and Tatar "tuğan" (born), reflecting reverence for the sun as the supreme deity (Tengri). It symbolizes the sun's magical rebirth after the winter solstice, setting the stage for festive Narduğan celebrations.
❄️ Costumed processions called "Narduğan bulıp cörü" or "Narduğan babaları," feature participants portraying bears and goats, dressing as an old man or an old lady, young men dressing as girls, talking in a different voice and concealing their faces. In some Tatar villages, the dressed up participants of the festival were not welcomed as it went against Muslim beliefs, in others, inviting people in costumes inside and giving them treats was believed to bring good harvest.
❄️ For Kerəşens, Narduğan spans from December 25 to January 5. In Noqrat Tatar communities, children joyfully hop between houses, singing verses with New Year wishes for happiness and good harvest. Mişәr Tatars engage in making sweets like "bawırsak," alongside costumed processions and fortune-telling about fate and marriage.
❄️ One of the central elements of the festival is ring divination with lively songs ("yezek salu"). Picture unmarried youths, mainly girls, gathering at a house. One ventures to an ice hole, scoops water without looking back, and everyone drops their rings into it while singing divinatory verses. The youngest participant retrieves a ring, determining the owner's fate based on the song's content.
Despite efforts by Muslim clergy to eradicate Narduğan as a pagan manifestation, ethnographer X. Gatina notes its persistence in Tatar-populated areas until the early 20th century.
🤔 Did you like reading about this ancient Tatar celebration? Do you think such festivals are worth being rediscovered and learnt about? Let me know 👇🏼
________________
Based on R. Urazmanova “Rites and holidays of Tatars of the Volga Region and Ural” 2001
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