Mains practice question #3
One nation, one election is beneficial for one and all. Examine this statement.
एक राष्ट्र एक चुनाव सभी के लिए फायदेमंद है। विवेचना करें
એક રાષ્ટ્ર, એક ચૂંટણી બધા માટે ફાયદેમંદ રહેશે. વિવેચના કરો.
You can give your answers in any of these languages.
Model answer will be posted on the following day
One nation, one election is beneficial for one and all. Examine this statement.
एक राष्ट्र एक चुनाव सभी के लिए फायदेमंद है। विवेचना करें
એક રાષ્ટ્ર, એક ચૂંટણી બધા માટે ફાયદેમંદ રહેશે. વિવેચના કરો.
You can give your answers in any of these languages.
Model answer will be posted on the following day
Why simultaneous polls is an idea whose time has come
article by Rajiv Mehrishi, former CAG of India
As the elections in four states and one Union territory in March-April are suspected to have contributed to the second wave of Covid infections, a well-reasoned debate on a concept as important as “one nation, one election” is called for.
The idea has been around since at least 1983, when the Election Commission first mooted it. The concept needs to be debated mainly around five issues: Financial costs of conducting elections; cost of repeated administrative freezes; visible and invisible costs of repeatedly deploying security forces; campaign and finance costs of political parties; and the question of regional/smaller parties having a level playing field.
The costs of conducting each assembly or parliamentary election are huge and, in some senses, incalculable. Directly budgeted costs are around Rs 300 crore for a state the size of Bihar. But there are other financial costs, and incalculable economic costs. Before each election, a “revision” of electoral rolls is mandatory. Each election means teachers missing from schools and colleges, and on election duty, the entire revenue machinery on election-related work, officers and vehicles of practically all other departments “requisitioned” for election duty, disrupting the work of, say, building roads, or supervising welfare schemes. These costs of the millions of man-hours used are not charged to the election budget; and the economic costs of lost teaching weeks, delayed public works, badly delivered or undelivered welfare schemes to the poor have never been calculated.
The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) has economic costs too. Works may have been announced long before an election is announced, but tenders cannot be finalised, nor work awarded, once the MCC comes into effect. Time overruns translate into cost overruns. But the huge costs of salaries and other administrative expenditures continue to be incurred.
Add to this the invisible cost of a missing leadership. Ministers are politicians, and politicians need to campaign, to select candidates, and to devise strategy for their party. The time for their ministerial duties reduces sharply, in spite of most of them putting in 16-18 hours of work each day. Important meetings and decisions get postponed, with costs and consequences that are difficult to calculate.
These financial and economic costs are incurred repeatedly. A NITI Aayog paper says that the country has at least one election each year; actually, each state has an election every year, too.
There is little doubt that the fiscal and economic costs of an election are not trivial, and that two elections, held separately, will almost double costs, including those incurred by political parties themselves.
There are also huge and visible costs of deploying security forces and transporting them, repeatedly. A bigger invisible cost is paid by the nation in terms of diverting these forces from sensitive areas and in terms of the fatigue and illnesses that repeated cross-country deployments bring about.
Fears about the Centre somehow gaining greater power, or regional parties being at a disadvantage during simultaneously held elections seem naïve. Fixed five-year terms for state legislatures in fact take away the central government’s power to dissolve state assemblies. Regional parties are supposed to be at a disadvantage because in simultaneously held elections, voters are reportedly likely to predominantly vote one way, giving the dominant party at the Centre an advantage. Those that take this view need to be reminded that “Indians became voters before they were citizens”, as perceptively observed by Ornit Shani in her book How India Became Democratic. In any case, votes cast the same way may, as they have in the past, help regional parties tot up a nice enough number in Parliament to be a part of the central government.
article by Rajiv Mehrishi, former CAG of India
As the elections in four states and one Union territory in March-April are suspected to have contributed to the second wave of Covid infections, a well-reasoned debate on a concept as important as “one nation, one election” is called for.
The idea has been around since at least 1983, when the Election Commission first mooted it. The concept needs to be debated mainly around five issues: Financial costs of conducting elections; cost of repeated administrative freezes; visible and invisible costs of repeatedly deploying security forces; campaign and finance costs of political parties; and the question of regional/smaller parties having a level playing field.
The costs of conducting each assembly or parliamentary election are huge and, in some senses, incalculable. Directly budgeted costs are around Rs 300 crore for a state the size of Bihar. But there are other financial costs, and incalculable economic costs. Before each election, a “revision” of electoral rolls is mandatory. Each election means teachers missing from schools and colleges, and on election duty, the entire revenue machinery on election-related work, officers and vehicles of practically all other departments “requisitioned” for election duty, disrupting the work of, say, building roads, or supervising welfare schemes. These costs of the millions of man-hours used are not charged to the election budget; and the economic costs of lost teaching weeks, delayed public works, badly delivered or undelivered welfare schemes to the poor have never been calculated.
The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) has economic costs too. Works may have been announced long before an election is announced, but tenders cannot be finalised, nor work awarded, once the MCC comes into effect. Time overruns translate into cost overruns. But the huge costs of salaries and other administrative expenditures continue to be incurred.
Add to this the invisible cost of a missing leadership. Ministers are politicians, and politicians need to campaign, to select candidates, and to devise strategy for their party. The time for their ministerial duties reduces sharply, in spite of most of them putting in 16-18 hours of work each day. Important meetings and decisions get postponed, with costs and consequences that are difficult to calculate.
These financial and economic costs are incurred repeatedly. A NITI Aayog paper says that the country has at least one election each year; actually, each state has an election every year, too.
There is little doubt that the fiscal and economic costs of an election are not trivial, and that two elections, held separately, will almost double costs, including those incurred by political parties themselves.
There are also huge and visible costs of deploying security forces and transporting them, repeatedly. A bigger invisible cost is paid by the nation in terms of diverting these forces from sensitive areas and in terms of the fatigue and illnesses that repeated cross-country deployments bring about.
Fears about the Centre somehow gaining greater power, or regional parties being at a disadvantage during simultaneously held elections seem naïve. Fixed five-year terms for state legislatures in fact take away the central government’s power to dissolve state assemblies. Regional parties are supposed to be at a disadvantage because in simultaneously held elections, voters are reportedly likely to predominantly vote one way, giving the dominant party at the Centre an advantage. Those that take this view need to be reminded that “Indians became voters before they were citizens”, as perceptively observed by Ornit Shani in her book How India Became Democratic. In any case, votes cast the same way may, as they have in the past, help regional parties tot up a nice enough number in Parliament to be a part of the central government.
It has been argued, rightly, that if protecting democracy and federalism carries a high cost, so be it. Do simultaneous elections compromise democracy and/or federalism, as has been alleged? Well, they apparently did not do so until 1967 when simultaneous elections were the norm.
Several commentators seem to have the strange notion that if a government loses its majority in the House, it necessarily means fresh elections. Firstly, with the current anti-defection law, it is virtually impossible for a ruling party/coalition to lose numbers. Secondly, even if a Prime Minister or Chief Minister loses a vote of confidence, those who voted against her have a majority, and their leader should become the Prime Minister or the Chief Minister. The dissolution of Parliament or Assembly is not a necessary consequence.
That the Constitution and other laws would need to be amended is obvious. But that is hardly an argument against the proposal in a country which averages one-and-a-half constitutional amendments a year.
Several commentators seem to have the strange notion that if a government loses its majority in the House, it necessarily means fresh elections. Firstly, with the current anti-defection law, it is virtually impossible for a ruling party/coalition to lose numbers. Secondly, even if a Prime Minister or Chief Minister loses a vote of confidence, those who voted against her have a majority, and their leader should become the Prime Minister or the Chief Minister. The dissolution of Parliament or Assembly is not a necessary consequence.
That the Constitution and other laws would need to be amended is obvious. But that is hardly an argument against the proposal in a country which averages one-and-a-half constitutional amendments a year.
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Answer to Mains Practice Question #3
One nation, one election
One nation, one election
JJ Tutorials GPSC #Mains Series lecture 6
કારણ કે mains ની season આવી ગઈ છે...
● Public Administration જાહેર વહીવટ લોક પ્રશાસન ગુજરાત ના વિદ્યાર્થીઓ માટે ઘણો નવો વિષય છે.
● GPSC કેવા પ્રશ્નો પૂછે છે Pub Ad માં થી, તેનું Solution & સરળ સમજૂતી આપતું video lecture
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● GPSC કેવા પ્રશ્નો પૂછે છે Pub Ad માં થી, તેનું Solution & સરળ સમજૂતી આપતું video lecture
◆ GPSC Class 1 Mains Paper Solution
March 2021 GS 2 Public Administration Jaher Vahivat
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GPSC Class 1 2 Mains Paper Solution 2021 GS 2 Public Administration Jaher Vahivat Sanket Raghuvanshi
GPSC Class 1 2 Mains 2021 paper solution and analysis General Studies 2 Public Administration જાહેર વહીવટ લોક પ્રશાસન
Explained in Gujarati in a very simple and interesting way by Sanket Raghuvanshi.
00:00 Introduction What is Public Administration Jaher…
Explained in Gujarati in a very simple and interesting way by Sanket Raghuvanshi.
00:00 Introduction What is Public Administration Jaher…
JJ Tutorials GPSC #Mains Series lecture 7
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√ GPSC Class 1 2 Mains paper solution
March 2021 GS 2 Ethics Nitishastra નીતિશાસ્ત્ર
● GPSC UPSC ના વિદ્યાર્થીને સૌથી વધુ મૂંઝવતો વિષય એટલે Ethics નીતિશાસ્ત્ર
● Previous year question solution with explanation
◆ Ethics ના paper માટે Confidence boost કરે તેવું lecture
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√ GPSC Class 1 2 Mains paper solution
March 2021 GS 2 Ethics Nitishastra નીતિશાસ્ત્ર
● GPSC UPSC ના વિદ્યાર્થીને સૌથી વધુ મૂંઝવતો વિષય એટલે Ethics નીતિશાસ્ત્ર
● Previous year question solution with explanation
◆ Ethics ના paper માટે Confidence boost કરે તેવું lecture
√ Explained in a very simple and interesting way by Sanket Raghuvanshi
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GPSC Class 1 2 Main Exam Paper Solution 2021 GS 2 Ethics નીતિશાસ્ત્ર Sanket Raghuvanshi JJ Tutorials
GPSC Class 1 2 Mains Exam paper solution 2021 and analysis
General Studies 2 Ethics Nitishastra નીતિશાસ્ત્ર Explained in Gujarati in a very simple and interesting way by Sanket Raghuvanshi.
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General Studies 2 Ethics Nitishastra નીતિશાસ્ત્ર Explained in Gujarati in a very simple and interesting way by Sanket Raghuvanshi.
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01:30 શું કાયદો સમાજમાં નૈતિકતા…
Mains Practice question #4
What is Employee's Provident Fund EPF? How is it beneficial to employees?
कर्मचारी भविष्य निधि क्या है? EPF कर्मचारियों के हित में कैसे है?
કર્મચારી પ્રોવિડન્ટ ફંડ શું છે અને તે કર્મચારીઓ ને કઇ રીતે ફાયદેમંદ છે?
Answer can be written in either of the 3 languages.
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What is Employee's Provident Fund EPF? How is it beneficial to employees?
कर्मचारी भविष्य निधि क्या है? EPF कर्मचारियों के हित में कैसे है?
કર્મચારી પ્રોવિડન્ટ ફંડ શું છે અને તે કર્મચારીઓ ને કઇ રીતે ફાયદેમંદ છે?
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Answer to practice question 4
What is Employees Provident Fund (EPF) explained in easy language by Sanket Raghuvanshi
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What is Employees Provident Fund (EPF) explained in easy language by Sanket Raghuvanshi
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Building Careers Since 1980
📙 ગુજરાત ની મહિલા સ્વતંત્રતા સેનાનીઓ
Women freedom fighters of Gujarat
📘 પેરીન બેન કેપ્ટન, પૂર્ણિમા દીદી પકવાસા,
મીઠુબેન પેટીટ, ઈન્દુમતી બેન શેઠ
📕 જેવી વીરાંગનાઓ એ શું ભૂમિકા ભજવી ભારત ની આઝાદી માં?
📗 જો એમના વિષે ખ્યાલ નથી તો આપણું ઈતિહાસ નું ભણતર અધૂરું કહેવાય...
▪️ Indian History, Art & Culture ગુજરાત નો સંસ્કૃતિક વારસો
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Women freedom fighters of Gujarat
📘 પેરીન બેન કેપ્ટન, પૂર્ણિમા દીદી પકવાસા,
મીઠુબેન પેટીટ, ઈન્દુમતી બેન શેઠ
📕 જેવી વીરાંગનાઓ એ શું ભૂમિકા ભજવી ભારત ની આઝાદી માં?
📗 જો એમના વિષે ખ્યાલ નથી તો આપણું ઈતિહાસ નું ભણતર અધૂરું કહેવાય...
▪️ Indian History, Art & Culture ગુજરાત નો સંસ્કૃતિક વારસો
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Women freedom fighters of Gujarat. History, art and culture ઈતિહાસ GPSC Mains Paper Solution 2021
Role of women freedom fighters from Gujarat in Indian Independence struggle. ભારતીય સ્વતંત્રતા સંગ્રામ માં ગુજરાતી સ્ત્રી સ્વતંત્રતા લડવૈયાઓ સેનાનીઓ ની ભૂમિકા શું હતી?
Purnima Didi Pakwasa, Perin ben Captain, Mithuben Petit, Kasturba Gandhi, Maniben Patel…
Purnima Didi Pakwasa, Perin ben Captain, Mithuben Petit, Kasturba Gandhi, Maniben Patel…
🤑 What is MSME new definition set by Modi Govt? લઘુ ઉદ્યોગોની નવી વ્યાખ્યા શું છે?
🏪 લઘુ ઉદ્યોગ ના શું ફાયદા હોય છે?
🏦 તેનો અર્થતંત્ર માં કેટલો ફાળો હોય છે?
💵 Indian Economy UPSC GPSC IBPS SSC by
■ Sanket Raghuvanshi, JJ Tutorials, Rajkot
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GPSC એ Mains માં આ પ્રશ્ન પૂછ્યો Feb 2021 માં
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🏪 લઘુ ઉદ્યોગ ના શું ફાયદા હોય છે?
🏦 તેનો અર્થતંત્ર માં કેટલો ફાળો હોય છે?
💵 Indian Economy UPSC GPSC IBPS SSC by
■ Sanket Raghuvanshi, JJ Tutorials, Rajkot
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GPSC એ Mains માં આ પ્રશ્ન પૂછ્યો Feb 2021 માં
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What is MSME New Definition? Indian Economy UPSC GPSC IBPS SSC Sanket Raghuvanshi JJ Tutorials
What is MSME new definition set by Modi Govt? Micro Small and Medium Enterprises Act 2006, What are the benefits of small businesses? How important it is for the economy? Explained in Hindi Indian Economy lecture for exams like UPSC, GPSC, IBPS, SSC, CDS…
👨⚖️ શું કાયદો સમાજમાં મૂલ્યો અને નૈતિકતા નો અમલ કરાવી શકે?
● Can law enforce values and ethics in Society?
● અતિશય તીવ્ર કાયદો પણ નુકસાનકારક હોય શકે ખરા?
◆ Ethics Nitishastra નીતિશાસ્ત્ર for GPSC UPSC
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● Can law enforce values and ethics in Society?
● અતિશય તીવ્ર કાયદો પણ નુકસાનકારક હોય શકે ખરા?
◆ Ethics Nitishastra નીતિશાસ્ત્ર for GPSC UPSC
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Can laws enforce values and ethics in Society? GPSC Mains 2021 Paper Solution Ethics Nitishastra
Can law enforce values and ethics in Society? શું કાયદો સમાજમાં મૂલ્યો અને નૈતિકતા નો અમાલ કરાવી શકે?
અતિશય તીવ્ર કાયદો પણ નુકસાનકારક હોય શકે ખરા?
GPSC Mains 2021 માં પૂછાયેલો પ્રશ્ન
આખું paper solution જોવા માટે GPSC Mains Series
GPSC Class 1 Mains 2021…
અતિશય તીવ્ર કાયદો પણ નુકસાનકારક હોય શકે ખરા?
GPSC Mains 2021 માં પૂછાયેલો પ્રશ્ન
આખું paper solution જોવા માટે GPSC Mains Series
GPSC Class 1 Mains 2021…
JJ Tutorials GPSC #Mains Series lecture 8
કારણ કે mains ની season આવી ગઈ છે...
GPSC Class 1 2 Mains paper solution
March 2021 GS 3 Science and Technology
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GPSC Class 1 2 Mains paper solution
March 2021 GS 3 Science and Technology
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GPSC Class 1 2 Main Exam Paper Solution 2021 GS 3 Science and Technology by Sanket Raghuvanshi
GPSC Class 1 2 Mains 2021 paper solution and analysis General Studies 3 Science and Technology વિજ્ઞાન અને પ્રૌદ્યોગિકી Explained in Gujarati in a very simpl...
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Practice question #5
Drone could prove to be the deadliest weapon for proxy war and terrorism. Evaluate.
छद्म युद्ध और आतंकवाद के लिए ड्रोन सबसे घातक शास्त्र हो सकता है। समीक्षा करें।
આતંકવાદ અને પરોક્ષ યુદ્ધ માટે ડ્રોન સૌથી ઘાતક શસ્ત્ર હોય શકે. સમીક્ષા કરો.
You can submit your answers in 200 words. Best answer will be shared tomorrow
Drone could prove to be the deadliest weapon for proxy war and terrorism. Evaluate.
छद्म युद्ध और आतंकवाद के लिए ड्रोन सबसे घातक शास्त्र हो सकता है। समीक्षा करें।
આતંકવાદ અને પરોક્ષ યુદ્ધ માટે ડ્રોન સૌથી ઘાતક શસ્ત્ર હોય શકે. સમીક્ષા કરો.
You can submit your answers in 200 words. Best answer will be shared tomorrow
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કારણ કે mains ની season આવી ગઈ છે...
Science, Arts, Commerce કોઈ પણ background ના student હોય, Economics માં ઓછા ટપ્પા પડતા હોય...
અમારો હેતુ તમારો ડર ભગાવવાનો છે...
GPSC Class 1 2 Mains paper solution
March 2021 GS 3 Economy અર્થવ્યવસ્થા
Explained in very simple and interesting way by Sanket Raghuvanshi
Video link:
https://youtu.be/hcgJtjnn1-4
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Answer to practice question 5 on drones
Pakistan has evolved deniability of involvement of its military establishment in drone-based operations against India. The act could well be an attempt by Pakistan to disturb the political process to bring in stability and peace in the region. India cannot afford to ignore the incident just because there were no casualties. It will not be easy to find the point or place from where these were launched. As we have seen in recent clips from Gaza, rockets are launched from trucks and jeeps; they launch and scoot. Similar would be the principle of using drone attacks.
Some years ago, India and Pakistan were intensely warring with UAVs (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles). Periodically, we picked up some UAVs that crashed on our side. Pakistan also picked up an odd one from India, maybe just one or two. I recall vividly that one of our UAVs was intercepted. After a few minutes of “combat”, the UAV was shot it down. It is now the period of drones. UAVs have now become far more potent with extensive capabilities.
For nearly a decade, the Indian military, security forces and the DRDO have been working on UAV/drone technology and the means of engaging drones. In the meanwhile, the drone technology itself has improved dramatically and the costs have come down. Availability has been eased. These days one can buy drones by mail-order. The world over, equipment and methods are being developed to counter drones and the related laws and regulations on owning and flying drones including for commercial purposes are being eased.
One can build drones easily from kits or even from Google. For simplicity, the drone is typically a “Quad-Copter” having four propellers fitted vertically. These can hover and are highly manoeuvrable. UAVs, on the other hand, typically have the structure of an aeroplane with wings and fuselage. They do not hover. Additionally, drones are difficult to detect. They are made of composite plastics and fabric and are not easily detectable by radars. Besides they fly ultra-low, below a 100ft. These can be used for reconnaissance, observation, as well as to carry small payloads, including mail and parcels. Drones can be pre-programmed to reach a target area to hover or deliver or be flown by a remote pilot. Winds and weather affect the flight of drones. The typical payload is between 1 to 25 kg, which could be used by Pakistan in support of LeT/Jaish and other such elements. A few kgs of RDX can do severe damage. We are aware that special lightweight munitions are being developed for use by helicopter/UAV/drone operations that can have penetration capabilities. Such munitions would be more expensive than the cost of UAVs. Pakistan would certainly choose cheaper options since harassment would be their main aim. The country is going up on the ladder towards improving accuracy, payload and destruction capability. It would be cost-effective for Pakistan to launch tens of drones if not hundreds across the border to harass or even cause serious damage by dropping IEDs or crashing into a “target” laden with an IED.
Regrettably, India’s own capabilities to detect drones/UAVs have not yet developed successfully. We have not looked seriously at procuring detection systems and weapons against drones. Scurrying after an attack will not help us. The government must review the status of development of drones, the means of detection and the methods of engagement.
by S Krishnaswamy, former chief of Indian Air Force
Pakistan has evolved deniability of involvement of its military establishment in drone-based operations against India. The act could well be an attempt by Pakistan to disturb the political process to bring in stability and peace in the region. India cannot afford to ignore the incident just because there were no casualties. It will not be easy to find the point or place from where these were launched. As we have seen in recent clips from Gaza, rockets are launched from trucks and jeeps; they launch and scoot. Similar would be the principle of using drone attacks.
Some years ago, India and Pakistan were intensely warring with UAVs (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles). Periodically, we picked up some UAVs that crashed on our side. Pakistan also picked up an odd one from India, maybe just one or two. I recall vividly that one of our UAVs was intercepted. After a few minutes of “combat”, the UAV was shot it down. It is now the period of drones. UAVs have now become far more potent with extensive capabilities.
For nearly a decade, the Indian military, security forces and the DRDO have been working on UAV/drone technology and the means of engaging drones. In the meanwhile, the drone technology itself has improved dramatically and the costs have come down. Availability has been eased. These days one can buy drones by mail-order. The world over, equipment and methods are being developed to counter drones and the related laws and regulations on owning and flying drones including for commercial purposes are being eased.
One can build drones easily from kits or even from Google. For simplicity, the drone is typically a “Quad-Copter” having four propellers fitted vertically. These can hover and are highly manoeuvrable. UAVs, on the other hand, typically have the structure of an aeroplane with wings and fuselage. They do not hover. Additionally, drones are difficult to detect. They are made of composite plastics and fabric and are not easily detectable by radars. Besides they fly ultra-low, below a 100ft. These can be used for reconnaissance, observation, as well as to carry small payloads, including mail and parcels. Drones can be pre-programmed to reach a target area to hover or deliver or be flown by a remote pilot. Winds and weather affect the flight of drones. The typical payload is between 1 to 25 kg, which could be used by Pakistan in support of LeT/Jaish and other such elements. A few kgs of RDX can do severe damage. We are aware that special lightweight munitions are being developed for use by helicopter/UAV/drone operations that can have penetration capabilities. Such munitions would be more expensive than the cost of UAVs. Pakistan would certainly choose cheaper options since harassment would be their main aim. The country is going up on the ladder towards improving accuracy, payload and destruction capability. It would be cost-effective for Pakistan to launch tens of drones if not hundreds across the border to harass or even cause serious damage by dropping IEDs or crashing into a “target” laden with an IED.
Regrettably, India’s own capabilities to detect drones/UAVs have not yet developed successfully. We have not looked seriously at procuring detection systems and weapons against drones. Scurrying after an attack will not help us. The government must review the status of development of drones, the means of detection and the methods of engagement.
by S Krishnaswamy, former chief of Indian Air Force