Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
Дєвочка в трусіках на ім'я аліна ліпп - це ще та сука. Але це не заважає їй поширювати кремлівські тези
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
Одним словом, давайте знайомитися)
Аліна з молодого покоління гру-шників. Але така сама тупа, як і її вчителі
Аліна з молодого покоління гру-шників. Але така сама тупа, як і її вчителі
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
Читаємо скріншот правильно: у мєня папа із гру, я із сємьї развєдчіков
Папа научіл мєня всєму, у мєня много родствєнніков на росіі
Папа научіл мєня всєму, у мєня много родствєнніков на росіі
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
Придивіться на єбало аліни уважніше. Це ще та тварина, яка за рублі розкаже що завгодно
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
Якшо хтось досі сумнівається, шо дєвочка в трусіках - сука, то ось вас її історія за рублі про Азов
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
А за ось таку заяву аліну мав би відпиздити тато-гру-шник, який мав би навчити аліну, що іноді краще жувати, ніж говорити)
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
Як бачите, аліна не зважаючи на свій молодий вік, це соловйов у спідниці. За рублі аліна готова брехати абсолютно про шо завгодно
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
Оцініть рівень ахуєнних історій від аліни)
Це рівень гру рф)
Це рівень гру рф)
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
А ось тут розвєдчіцу аліну палять, не подумавши
Але то таке, нікто нє догадаєтся)
Але то таке, нікто нє догадаєтся)
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Forwarded from Фашик Донецький
Як бачите, дєвочка в трусіках, вона ж агєнт аліна, це:
Дочка російського розвідника, який 27 років прожив в Німеччині і переїхав в окупований Крим
Та, кого цитують всі топові кремлівські пропагандисти
Та, хто зміг без проблем знімати пропагандистські сюжети в Донецьку, Бердянську, Маріуполі
Та, хто педалює тезу про "фейкові вбивства в Бучі", "про звірства Азова", "гєнасид бамбаси" на західну аудиторію
Та, в якої є велика кількість родичів на росії, в тому числі в окупованому рф Криму
Одним словом, це дійсно "нєзавісімий журналіст". А хто вважає інакше, той русопат
Дякую за увагу. Кінець
Дочка російського розвідника, який 27 років прожив в Німеччині і переїхав в окупований Крим
Та, кого цитують всі топові кремлівські пропагандисти
Та, хто зміг без проблем знімати пропагандистські сюжети в Донецьку, Бердянську, Маріуполі
Та, хто педалює тезу про "фейкові вбивства в Бучі", "про звірства Азова", "гєнасид бамбаси" на західну аудиторію
Та, в якої є велика кількість родичів на росії, в тому числі в окупованому рф Криму
Одним словом, це дійсно "нєзавісімий журналіст". А хто вважає інакше, той русопат
Дякую за увагу. Кінець
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Колишній посол США в Польщі:
ЗСУ — це найсильніша армія Європи, полігон для нової зброї і джерело бойових рішень. Якщо Захід цього не усвідомить, українські розробки візьме росія.
https://www.patreon.com/posts/129250223?utm_campaign=postshare_creator
ЗСУ — це найсильніша армія Європи, полігон для нової зброї і джерело бойових рішень. Якщо Захід цього не усвідомить, українські розробки візьме росія.
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“Пентагону пощастило, що існує Україна” - віцепрезидент Raytheon | Фашик Донецкий
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To stop Russia, you don't need to understand it. We must first stop taking the test of empathy for torturers
The Economist wrote a good article. Yet again, Europeans are unwilling to believe that the problem with Russia is not Putin and his imperial ambitions.
I'm really surprised at how much Europeans and Americans alike want to find a logic for the Russians' actions. It doesn't work for them. And not because they are mysterious, no. Because mentally ill is the right answer, not blah, blah, blah about Putin's fears or his perceptions of the world around him.
The world must recognise that Nazism has returned to the planet Earth and that the Fuhrer now has nuclear weapons. Because only by acknowledging the problem can you come up with an adequate solution that does not contradict reality
Here, by the way, is the article itself. I quote in full
"What Putin wants - and how Europe should stop him
Many Europeans are becoming complacent about the threat posed by Russia and do not understand how to contain its president
On 9 May, Putin will celebrate Victory Day in Red Square, marking the victory over Nazi Germany. Previously, the parade was attended by Russia's allies in World War II. Today, as Mr Putin takes aim at what he absurdly calls another "Nazi" government in Ukraine, it shows that Russia is determined to turn against the West. This should be a concern for the whole of Europe.
As the death toll in Ukraine rises, Putin's military objectives are inflated to justify Russian losses. What began as a "special military operation" has become Russia's existential struggle against distant enemies. This is a profound shift. It means that Ukraine's future depends more on Putin's ambitions than on President Donald Trump's theatrical diplomacy. It also means that many Europeans have become complacent about the threat posed by Russia and that they do not understand how to contain it.
Russia may not be going to invade other parts of Europe. But it will try to increase its influence by redoubling its cyberattacks, influence operations, assassinations and sabotage. If Putin senses weakness, he could try to split NATO by seizing a small piece of territory and forcing the allies to respond. He could be ready to do this in two to five years. This may seem like a long time. But in military planning, it is a blink of an eye.
Many people in America and southern Europe will find these statements hysterical. Some, like American Ambassador Steve Witkoff, say that Putin can be trusted; or that he would not dare to violate Mr Trump's supposed peace deal. Others, while wise enough not to trust a man who has been to war five times in 25 years, argue that Russia is too weak to pose much of a threat. In Ukraine, it has lost nearly 1 million killed and wounded, and since its victories in the first weeks after the invasion, it has seized less than 1% more territory.
Many in the Baltics, Poland and the Nordic countries go to the other extreme, warning that the threat is greater than Putin, as Russian imperialism is deeply rooted. This fear is understandable given their history of deprivation, but it is the wrong approach to Russia. It not only confirms Putin's thesis that NATO is incurably anti-Russian, but also increases the likelihood that Europe will lose the chance to defuse tensions.
Putin is indeed an aggressor who needs to be deterred. A bad peace imposed on Ukraine could become a springboard for his next war. At the same time, even if Rutin is intransigent, he is 72 years old. Now is the time to influence what comes after him.
👇
The Economist wrote a good article. Yet again, Europeans are unwilling to believe that the problem with Russia is not Putin and his imperial ambitions.
I'm really surprised at how much Europeans and Americans alike want to find a logic for the Russians' actions. It doesn't work for them. And not because they are mysterious, no. Because mentally ill is the right answer, not blah, blah, blah about Putin's fears or his perceptions of the world around him.
The world must recognise that Nazism has returned to the planet Earth and that the Fuhrer now has nuclear weapons. Because only by acknowledging the problem can you come up with an adequate solution that does not contradict reality
Here, by the way, is the article itself. I quote in full
"What Putin wants - and how Europe should stop him
Many Europeans are becoming complacent about the threat posed by Russia and do not understand how to contain its president
On 9 May, Putin will celebrate Victory Day in Red Square, marking the victory over Nazi Germany. Previously, the parade was attended by Russia's allies in World War II. Today, as Mr Putin takes aim at what he absurdly calls another "Nazi" government in Ukraine, it shows that Russia is determined to turn against the West. This should be a concern for the whole of Europe.
As the death toll in Ukraine rises, Putin's military objectives are inflated to justify Russian losses. What began as a "special military operation" has become Russia's existential struggle against distant enemies. This is a profound shift. It means that Ukraine's future depends more on Putin's ambitions than on President Donald Trump's theatrical diplomacy. It also means that many Europeans have become complacent about the threat posed by Russia and that they do not understand how to contain it.
Russia may not be going to invade other parts of Europe. But it will try to increase its influence by redoubling its cyberattacks, influence operations, assassinations and sabotage. If Putin senses weakness, he could try to split NATO by seizing a small piece of territory and forcing the allies to respond. He could be ready to do this in two to five years. This may seem like a long time. But in military planning, it is a blink of an eye.
Many people in America and southern Europe will find these statements hysterical. Some, like American Ambassador Steve Witkoff, say that Putin can be trusted; or that he would not dare to violate Mr Trump's supposed peace deal. Others, while wise enough not to trust a man who has been to war five times in 25 years, argue that Russia is too weak to pose much of a threat. In Ukraine, it has lost nearly 1 million killed and wounded, and since its victories in the first weeks after the invasion, it has seized less than 1% more territory.
Many in the Baltics, Poland and the Nordic countries go to the other extreme, warning that the threat is greater than Putin, as Russian imperialism is deeply rooted. This fear is understandable given their history of deprivation, but it is the wrong approach to Russia. It not only confirms Putin's thesis that NATO is incurably anti-Russian, but also increases the likelihood that Europe will lose the chance to defuse tensions.
Putin is indeed an aggressor who needs to be deterred. A bad peace imposed on Ukraine could become a springboard for his next war. At the same time, even if Rutin is intransigent, he is 72 years old. Now is the time to influence what comes after him.
👇
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Deterrence depends on understanding the threat posed by Putin. After three years of fighting, war has become an ideology. In the past, 60% of Russians believed that the government's priority should be to improve living standards. Today, that share has fallen to 41%; instead, 55% say they want Russia to be respected as a world power. Putin has put all of Russian society on a military footing. The arms industry creates jobs. Generous payments to soldiers and their families amount to 1.5% of GDP. Putin is also using the war as an excuse for increasingly harsh repression and isolation from the West.
It is wrong to think that the Russian armed forces are exhausted or incapacitated. The navy and air force are largely intact. NATO's top commander says Putin is replenishing his stockpile of men, weapons and ammunition at an "unprecedented" pace. Russia plans to have 1.5 million active troops, up from 1.3 million in September; it could eventually increase its forces on the western front by 30-50%. The war has deepened its ties with China, Iran and North Korea.
Russia's tactics are crude and expensive, but a sudden small-scale invasion of a NATO member state would force NATO to choose whether to regain lost ground and risk nuclear war. If it does not fight, NATO will be broken. In a longer conflict, NATO could certainly repel the first Russian offensive, but would it have the resources for a fifth or sixth? Putin might consider it a strategic victory if Trump refused to show up, even if Russia was pushed back. This is because America's absence from the battlefield would cement Russia's influence in Europe.
The defence against Russia begins in Ukraine. The more Putin is denied success there, the less likely he is to attack NATO. According to The Economist, this means supplying Ukraine with weapons, and giving it more money to pay for the weapons it can produce cheaply on its own. Ukraine can produce $35 billion worth of arms a year, but has orders for less than half that amount. Mr Trump should understand that it is in America's interest to fund Ukraine, if only because China is watching Russia's progress.
However, supporting Ukraine is not enough to secure the entire continent, and Mr Trump is unlikely to offer much help, so Europe must do more. That means doing more to defend itself, strengthen its unity and lay the foundations for a post-Putin Russia.
Europe is buying more weapons. New data from the Swedish think tank SIPRI shows that NATO, excluding the United States, increased spending by $68 billion, or 19%, in 2022-23. More is needed, but European leaders have not yet prepared voters for the sacrifices ahead. They quarrel over contracts. For example, Britain may not be allowed to join the European Union programme if it does not allow EU ships to fish in its waters.
Work needs to be done to strengthen NATO's unity, especially if America no longer holds it together. It is naïve to think that countries like Spain and Portugal will ever fear Russia in the same way as Estonia and Poland. But they face threats to their infrastructure and politics. They also have a vital interest in ensuring that the EU is spared the dysfunction that could result from increased Russian influence in its eastern members.
Finally, Europe needs a policy towards Russia that goes beyond Ukraine. During the Cold War, the West convinced ordinary Russians that it was on their side and that the Soviet regime was what was keeping them from freedom and prosperity. He cultivated dissidents and encouraged contact. Today, too many Europeans are hostile to all Russians, not just those who foment war.
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It is wrong to think that the Russian armed forces are exhausted or incapacitated. The navy and air force are largely intact. NATO's top commander says Putin is replenishing his stockpile of men, weapons and ammunition at an "unprecedented" pace. Russia plans to have 1.5 million active troops, up from 1.3 million in September; it could eventually increase its forces on the western front by 30-50%. The war has deepened its ties with China, Iran and North Korea.
Russia's tactics are crude and expensive, but a sudden small-scale invasion of a NATO member state would force NATO to choose whether to regain lost ground and risk nuclear war. If it does not fight, NATO will be broken. In a longer conflict, NATO could certainly repel the first Russian offensive, but would it have the resources for a fifth or sixth? Putin might consider it a strategic victory if Trump refused to show up, even if Russia was pushed back. This is because America's absence from the battlefield would cement Russia's influence in Europe.
The defence against Russia begins in Ukraine. The more Putin is denied success there, the less likely he is to attack NATO. According to The Economist, this means supplying Ukraine with weapons, and giving it more money to pay for the weapons it can produce cheaply on its own. Ukraine can produce $35 billion worth of arms a year, but has orders for less than half that amount. Mr Trump should understand that it is in America's interest to fund Ukraine, if only because China is watching Russia's progress.
However, supporting Ukraine is not enough to secure the entire continent, and Mr Trump is unlikely to offer much help, so Europe must do more. That means doing more to defend itself, strengthen its unity and lay the foundations for a post-Putin Russia.
Europe is buying more weapons. New data from the Swedish think tank SIPRI shows that NATO, excluding the United States, increased spending by $68 billion, or 19%, in 2022-23. More is needed, but European leaders have not yet prepared voters for the sacrifices ahead. They quarrel over contracts. For example, Britain may not be allowed to join the European Union programme if it does not allow EU ships to fish in its waters.
Work needs to be done to strengthen NATO's unity, especially if America no longer holds it together. It is naïve to think that countries like Spain and Portugal will ever fear Russia in the same way as Estonia and Poland. But they face threats to their infrastructure and politics. They also have a vital interest in ensuring that the EU is spared the dysfunction that could result from increased Russian influence in its eastern members.
Finally, Europe needs a policy towards Russia that goes beyond Ukraine. During the Cold War, the West convinced ordinary Russians that it was on their side and that the Soviet regime was what was keeping them from freedom and prosperity. He cultivated dissidents and encouraged contact. Today, too many Europeans are hostile to all Russians, not just those who foment war.
👇👇
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creating Развенчиваю фейки роспрапаганды из Донецка
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