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🇹🇷 ПУТИН НЕ ПРИЕДЕТ В СТАМБУЛ 15 МАЯ НА ВСТРЕЧУ С ЗЕЛЕНСКИМ
Путин не приедет в Стамбул. Вместо него отправятся Лавров и Ушаков.
Зеленский отказывается встречаться с кем-либо, кроме Путина.
Путин — отказывается от встречи в принципе: «не тот этап переговоров».
До предполагаемой даты — 2 дня, а понятно ничего. Песков туманно заявляет: «Подготовка продолжается». Но что и как будет — непонятно.
Главная проблема: не обсуждаются причины войны.
Украина продолжает считать, что причина — «Путин-диктатор».
Значит, обсуждать нечего и останавливать нечего.
Для прекращения войны придётся:
• сломать украинскую проектность
• убрать Зеленского и его окружение
Но сделать этого пока никто не может.
Путин не приедет в Стамбул. Вместо него отправятся Лавров и Ушаков.
Зеленский отказывается встречаться с кем-либо, кроме Путина.
Путин — отказывается от встречи в принципе: «не тот этап переговоров».
До предполагаемой даты — 2 дня, а понятно ничего. Песков туманно заявляет: «Подготовка продолжается». Но что и как будет — непонятно.
Главная проблема: не обсуждаются причины войны.
Украина продолжает считать, что причина — «Путин-диктатор».
Значит, обсуждать нечего и останавливать нечего.
Для прекращения войны придётся:
• сломать украинскую проектность
• убрать Зеленского и его окружение
Но сделать этого пока никто не может.
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Сионистские оккупационные силы застрелили парня во время рейда на город Кафр-Акаб к северу от Иерусалима.
Саудовская Аравия: истребители F-15SA Королевских ВВС сопровождали самолёт президента США Трампа
Эскадрилья истребителей F-15SA Королевских военно-воздушных сил Саудовской Аравии сопровождала самолёт Air Force One во время официального визита президента США Дональда Трампа в Эр-Рияд.
Эта поездка стала первым зарубежным визитом Трампа после его переизбрания. В настоящее время он ведёт переговоры с наследным принцем Мухаммедом бин Сальманом.
Эскадрилья истребителей F-15SA Королевских военно-воздушных сил Саудовской Аравии сопровождала самолёт Air Force One во время официального визита президента США Дональда Трампа в Эр-Рияд.
Эта поездка стала первым зарубежным визитом Трампа после его переизбрания. В настоящее время он ведёт переговоры с наследным принцем Мухаммедом бин Сальманом.
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Наследный принц Саудовской Аравии Мухаммед бин Сальман принял делегацию США во главе с президентом Трампом
Наследный принц Мухаммед бин Сальман провёл встречу с делегацией Соединённых Штатов, которую возглавлял президент Дональд Трамп.
В переговорах также приняли участие государственный секретарь Майк Помпео, министр обороны Марк Эспер, министр торговли Уилбур Росс и министр энергетики Дэн Брейтбарт.
Наследный принц Мухаммед бин Сальман провёл встречу с делегацией Соединённых Штатов, которую возглавлял президент Дональд Трамп.
В переговорах также приняли участие государственный секретарь Майк Помпео, министр обороны Марк Эспер, министр торговли Уилбур Росс и министр энергетики Дэн Брейтбарт.
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В районе Al-Muhajireen в Хомсе продолжаются случаи запугивания, арестов и стрельбы. В одном из инцидентов молодую женщину застрелили в спину. В голосовом сообщении она в панике описывает нападение, пока на фоне слышны выстрелы. Несмотря на нарастающее насилие, никаких мер по прекращению этих нарушений принято не было.
Reports indicate that HTS "General Security" forces are currently carrying out a sectarian campaign in the Alawite neighborhoods of Homs, including:
- Telo Street, Kuwaiti Building, Wadi Al-Dhahab District
-Al-Khudari Street (No. 4 after Al-Anaqah)
-Al-Ahram Street.
Al-Muhajirin neighborhood: Arrests and gunfire at homes, resulting in several injuries, including women.
Armenian Quarter: Hanna Bin Masuwayh Street, a campaign of arrests, shooting, and sectarian insults.
- Telo Street, Kuwaiti Building, Wadi Al-Dhahab District
-Al-Khudari Street (No. 4 after Al-Anaqah)
-Al-Ahram Street.
Al-Muhajirin neighborhood: Arrests and gunfire at homes, resulting in several injuries, including women.
Armenian Quarter: Hanna Bin Masuwayh Street, a campaign of arrests, shooting, and sectarian insults.
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Reports indicate that HTS "General Security" forces are currently carrying out a sectarian campaign in the Alawite neighborhoods of Homs, including: - Telo Street, Kuwaiti Building, Wadi Al-Dhahab District -Al-Khudari Street (No. 4 after Al-Anaqah) -Al-Ahram…
Homs | Details Emerge of HTS-Led "General Security" & Militant Attack
In the early hours of May 12, around 3:00 AM, an armed group raided multiple homes on Beit al-Tawil Street near the Kuwaiti building in the Al-Muhajireen neighborhood. The raid targeted a specific residence, resulting in the shooting of a wanted person and the wounding of a woman.
During the raid, witnesses reported hearing sectarian slogans such as "We want you to leave" and "We want you to leave Homs." Some university students also reported being threatened by the militants. Despite residents contacting General Security, officials dismissed the operation as a "normal search," raising concerns about the appropriateness of conducting such raids in the early morning hours.
Additional Incidents:
In the Armenian neighborhood, gunfire and sectarian insults were heard on Hanna Bin Masoueh Street, where several individuals were detained for unknown reasons.
In the Muhajireen neighborhood, security forces reportedly searched for a specific family. When a young woman hesitated to open the door, the officers opened fire, wounding her. Her brother later arrived and clarified that he was not the intended target. The girl was taken to Al-Basel Hospital for treatment.
These incidents have heightened fears among residents, highlighting the need for urgent action to restore security and stability in Homs.
In the early hours of May 12, around 3:00 AM, an armed group raided multiple homes on Beit al-Tawil Street near the Kuwaiti building in the Al-Muhajireen neighborhood. The raid targeted a specific residence, resulting in the shooting of a wanted person and the wounding of a woman.
During the raid, witnesses reported hearing sectarian slogans such as "We want you to leave" and "We want you to leave Homs." Some university students also reported being threatened by the militants. Despite residents contacting General Security, officials dismissed the operation as a "normal search," raising concerns about the appropriateness of conducting such raids in the early morning hours.
Additional Incidents:
In the Armenian neighborhood, gunfire and sectarian insults were heard on Hanna Bin Masoueh Street, where several individuals were detained for unknown reasons.
In the Muhajireen neighborhood, security forces reportedly searched for a specific family. When a young woman hesitated to open the door, the officers opened fire, wounding her. Her brother later arrived and clarified that he was not the intended target. The girl was taken to Al-Basel Hospital for treatment.
These incidents have heightened fears among residents, highlighting the need for urgent action to restore security and stability in Homs.
Газета New York Times со ссылкой на американских чиновников сообщает:
- Трамп дал военной операции в Йемене всего 30 дней на оценку её результатов.
- За этот период хуситы сбили семь американских беспилотников MQ-9 и два истребителя F-18 в результате инцидентов в Красном море.
- Они также почти атаковали несколько истребителей F-16 и один F-35, что создало риск человеческих жертв среди американских военнослужащих.
- Трамп дал военной операции в Йемене всего 30 дней на оценку её результатов.
- За этот период хуситы сбили семь американских беспилотников MQ-9 и два истребителя F-18 в результате инцидентов в Красном море.
- Они также почти атаковали несколько истребителей F-16 и один F-35, что создало риск человеческих жертв среди американских военнослужащих.
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«Я мог бы быть глупым человеком и сказать: „О нет, нам не нужен бесплатный самолет“»
Президент США Дональд Трамп защитил свой план принять роскошный самолет Boeing 747-8, предположительно оцененный в 400 миллионов долларов, от королевской семьи Катара на фоне широкой критики:
- «Я думаю, Катар, который действительно... Мы много помогали им в области безопасности и защиты на протяжении многих лет. Я чувствовал это, думаю так и есть, и очень уважаю руководство и лидера Катара. Они знали об этом, потому что покупают много Boeing, и они сказали, что хотели бы что-то сделать. Если мы сможем получить 747 в качестве вклада в наше оборонное ведомство для использования в течение пары лет, пока строятся другие, я считаю это очень хорошим жестом.
- Я мог бы быть глупым и сказать: „О нет, нам не нужен бесплатный самолет“. Мы даем бесплатные вещи, и мы тоже возьмем один — это помогает нам, поскольку у нас есть самолеты возрастом около 40 лет. Расходы на техническое обслуживание этих самолетов очень велики. Вы бы не поверили.
- Поэтому я считаю, что это отличный жест со стороны Катара. Я очень ценю это и никогда не отказался бы от такого предложения. Я мог бы быть глупым человеком и сказать: „Нет, нам не нужен бесплатный дорогой самолет“. Но для меня это был отличный жест, и я думаю, что он обусловлен тем, что мы помогали и продолжаем помогать этим странам — Саудовской Аравии, ОАЭ, Катару и другим. Мы обеспечиваем их безопасность. Если бы не мы, их, вероятно, сейчас бы не было. Это был просто жест доброй воли».
Президент США Дональд Трамп защитил свой план принять роскошный самолет Boeing 747-8, предположительно оцененный в 400 миллионов долларов, от королевской семьи Катара на фоне широкой критики:
- «Я думаю, Катар, который действительно... Мы много помогали им в области безопасности и защиты на протяжении многих лет. Я чувствовал это, думаю так и есть, и очень уважаю руководство и лидера Катара. Они знали об этом, потому что покупают много Boeing, и они сказали, что хотели бы что-то сделать. Если мы сможем получить 747 в качестве вклада в наше оборонное ведомство для использования в течение пары лет, пока строятся другие, я считаю это очень хорошим жестом.
- Я мог бы быть глупым и сказать: „О нет, нам не нужен бесплатный самолет“. Мы даем бесплатные вещи, и мы тоже возьмем один — это помогает нам, поскольку у нас есть самолеты возрастом около 40 лет. Расходы на техническое обслуживание этих самолетов очень велики. Вы бы не поверили.
- Поэтому я считаю, что это отличный жест со стороны Катара. Я очень ценю это и никогда не отказался бы от такого предложения. Я мог бы быть глупым человеком и сказать: „Нет, нам не нужен бесплатный дорогой самолет“. Но для меня это был отличный жест, и я думаю, что он обусловлен тем, что мы помогали и продолжаем помогать этим странам — Саудовской Аравии, ОАЭ, Катару и другим. Мы обеспечиваем их безопасность. Если бы не мы, их, вероятно, сейчас бы не было. Это был просто жест доброй воли».
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Президент США Дональд Трамп заявил, что Иран «действует очень умно» и «разумно» в отношении продолжающихся ядерных переговоров:
- «Мы поедем туда и посмотрим, что будем делать в отношении Ирана. Кстати, я думаю, что там тоже происходят очень хорошие вещи.
- Ядерного оружия быть не может, но они говорят разумно. Сейчас мы находимся в середине процесса переговоров, и они действуют очень разумно.
- Мы хотим, чтобы Иран стал богатой, процветающей, счастливой и сильной страной. Но у них не должно быть ядерного оружия — это очень просто. Поэтому, я думаю, они понимают, что мы имеем в виду, и я считаю, что они ведут себя очень разумно до сих пор».
- «Мы поедем туда и посмотрим, что будем делать в отношении Ирана. Кстати, я думаю, что там тоже происходят очень хорошие вещи.
- Ядерного оружия быть не может, но они говорят разумно. Сейчас мы находимся в середине процесса переговоров, и они действуют очень разумно.
- Мы хотим, чтобы Иран стал богатой, процветающей, счастливой и сильной страной. Но у них не должно быть ядерного оружия — это очень просто. Поэтому, я думаю, они понимают, что мы имеем в виду, и я считаю, что они ведут себя очень разумно до сих пор».
ما حصل في قرية عين الجرن دخل فصيل إلى القرية وقاموا باعتقال شاب يدعى سهيل عيسى وهو مسيحي حيث أطلقوا عليه النار ومن ثم اقتادوه إلى جهة مجهولة وهناك معلومات تتحدث عن استشهاده،لا صحه لخبر محاصرة القرية أو ما ذلك والخلاف كان شخصي.
Zionist and American hands benefit from every Indian-Pakistani clash: (1/4):
Both Pakistani and Indian reactionaries should understand that American and Israeli forces are truly playing a dangerous game by fueling the war between India and Pakistan. Indians must realize that what is being triggered by the Israeli-assisted Hindutva regime is extremely dangerous, and it is Israel that is dragging India into a trap once again. It was the ego of the Zionist elite in India which has already damaged and destroyed its relations with all its neighboring countries—whether it is Bangladesh, China, Sri Lanka, the Maldives, Nepal, or even Bhutan. India now stands isolated on nearly every front. If Modi has started this war just for his local electoral benefits, then the real question must be asked: Did the Modi regime truly think through and calculate the consequences of launching this kind of attack on Pakistan?
How far did they think this would go? Did they really analyze and calculate the long-term implications? In the very early stages, it appeared possible that this was a joint effort, possibly designed to gain local advantages—something both regimes have done in the past. But as the hours passed, it became clearer that India wanted the conflict to escalate further, both in terms of time and geographical scale. That shift in posture is alarming. Indian policy often seeks short-term gains, especially during times of domestic political instability, but this time it is risking something far larger.
If India has compromised its own sovereignty and allowed itself to be used in this war scenario, it indicates the extent to which American and Israeli pressure has dictated Indian actions. The visit of Vance and other American officials to India just a week before the outbreak of this war is not a coincidence. This visit, like many before it, was a signal of coordination and intent. Initially, it seemed that Pakistan was not interested in escalating the situation further—this could be inferred from the speeches of its top leadership. However, the tone quickly changed when Pakistan began issuing heavy statements of readiness for war, which not only constituted psychological warfare but also signaled actual operational preparedness.
Both Pakistani and Indian reactionaries should understand that American and Israeli forces are truly playing a dangerous game by fueling the war between India and Pakistan. Indians must realize that what is being triggered by the Israeli-assisted Hindutva regime is extremely dangerous, and it is Israel that is dragging India into a trap once again. It was the ego of the Zionist elite in India which has already damaged and destroyed its relations with all its neighboring countries—whether it is Bangladesh, China, Sri Lanka, the Maldives, Nepal, or even Bhutan. India now stands isolated on nearly every front. If Modi has started this war just for his local electoral benefits, then the real question must be asked: Did the Modi regime truly think through and calculate the consequences of launching this kind of attack on Pakistan?
How far did they think this would go? Did they really analyze and calculate the long-term implications? In the very early stages, it appeared possible that this was a joint effort, possibly designed to gain local advantages—something both regimes have done in the past. But as the hours passed, it became clearer that India wanted the conflict to escalate further, both in terms of time and geographical scale. That shift in posture is alarming. Indian policy often seeks short-term gains, especially during times of domestic political instability, but this time it is risking something far larger.
If India has compromised its own sovereignty and allowed itself to be used in this war scenario, it indicates the extent to which American and Israeli pressure has dictated Indian actions. The visit of Vance and other American officials to India just a week before the outbreak of this war is not a coincidence. This visit, like many before it, was a signal of coordination and intent. Initially, it seemed that Pakistan was not interested in escalating the situation further—this could be inferred from the speeches of its top leadership. However, the tone quickly changed when Pakistan began issuing heavy statements of readiness for war, which not only constituted psychological warfare but also signaled actual operational preparedness.
Zionist and American hands benefit from every Indian-Pakistani clash: (2/4):
The situation became even more tense with early reports of Indian jets being downed, accompanied by thousands of intertwined threads of fake news and propaganda emerging from both sides. It became clear that the information battlefield is as critical as the military front, with both states using media to serve their narratives.
When there was still some hope that Iran might open a channel to reduce escalation, India crossed a red line by carrying out deep-penetration strikes into Pakistani territory, directly hitting civilian areas. Now it is absolutely clear that India is expanding the scope of its attacks, using sadistic and Islamophobic tactics. Allegedly, made-in-Israel drones—or Indian-made drones for Israeli use—are being deployed. These actions have turned the conflict into a full-fledged war.
Pakistan’s response has not been weak or symbolic, despite how Hindutva trolls are trying to dehumanize the Pakistani population and downplay its military strength. The Pakistan Army is not just a military institution—it is a full-fledged state apparatus with deep capabilities. Seasoned analysts know very well that dealing with it is no simple task.
It is now clearer than ever that both the United States and Israel are manipulating the conflict from above. Their puppets—tied to their strings—are fighting each other in a war they did not truly choose. One actor [India], clearly the instigator, is Israel, and the other is also a pawn of American strategy. This resembles the Syrian scenario, where Israeli and Western-backed entities exploit sectarian divisions—Sunni, Shia, Druze, Alawite, Islamic, Christian—to impose their agendas. The same strategy is now being used to exploit the traditional hostility between India and Pakistan, advancing Israeli-American strategic goals in South Asia.
It seems this could be a long-lasting war if no ceasefire or mediation efforts are made immediately. There is still a possibility it could end soon, but that depends on whether diplomatic channels intervene. If not, and India escalates further in the name of revenge, the consequences could be devastating.
The situation became even more tense with early reports of Indian jets being downed, accompanied by thousands of intertwined threads of fake news and propaganda emerging from both sides. It became clear that the information battlefield is as critical as the military front, with both states using media to serve their narratives.
When there was still some hope that Iran might open a channel to reduce escalation, India crossed a red line by carrying out deep-penetration strikes into Pakistani territory, directly hitting civilian areas. Now it is absolutely clear that India is expanding the scope of its attacks, using sadistic and Islamophobic tactics. Allegedly, made-in-Israel drones—or Indian-made drones for Israeli use—are being deployed. These actions have turned the conflict into a full-fledged war.
Pakistan’s response has not been weak or symbolic, despite how Hindutva trolls are trying to dehumanize the Pakistani population and downplay its military strength. The Pakistan Army is not just a military institution—it is a full-fledged state apparatus with deep capabilities. Seasoned analysts know very well that dealing with it is no simple task.
It is now clearer than ever that both the United States and Israel are manipulating the conflict from above. Their puppets—tied to their strings—are fighting each other in a war they did not truly choose. One actor [India], clearly the instigator, is Israel, and the other is also a pawn of American strategy. This resembles the Syrian scenario, where Israeli and Western-backed entities exploit sectarian divisions—Sunni, Shia, Druze, Alawite, Islamic, Christian—to impose their agendas. The same strategy is now being used to exploit the traditional hostility between India and Pakistan, advancing Israeli-American strategic goals in South Asia.
It seems this could be a long-lasting war if no ceasefire or mediation efforts are made immediately. There is still a possibility it could end soon, but that depends on whether diplomatic channels intervene. If not, and India escalates further in the name of revenge, the consequences could be devastating.
Zionist and American hands benefit from every Indian-Pakistani clash: (3/4):
The real battle in this unfolding conflict is not only in the skies or on the borders—it is far more sinister and widespread. It is a war of narratives, misinformation, identity, and fear. What we are seeing now is a media-fueled battleground, dominated by trolls, propaganda machines, fake news, and digital hate campaigns from both sides. This information war is perhaps more damaging than the physical one because it targets the minds, loyalties, and identities of people, especially those who live in complex social and national conditions—like Indian Muslims, Pakistani dissenters, and Kashmiris.
Take, for example, the case of foreign Indian Muslims or ideological Indian Muslims who live abroad. If they openly support Pakistan’s right to defend its territory or mourn the deaths of civilians in Pakistan, they are instantly labeled by Hindutva forces as traitors. They are told to “go to Pakistan.” They are harassed, doxxed, and publicly shamed. But if they do the opposite—support India’s actions—they risk being condemned by Pakistani nationalists or Kashmiri activists as Indian agents or oppressors. The same double bind applies to Pakistanis. If a Pakistani calls for peace or criticizes escalation, they are immediately accused of being traitors or Indian agents.
Kashmiris are stuck in a particularly cruel trap. If they claim neutrality, they are still targeted—by both Indian nationalists who see them as separatists and by Pakistani or pro-Kashmir voices who see their silence as betrayal. This toxic polarization leaves no room for honest voices, nuanced opinions, or human empathy.
Nationalism, in its rawest form, has become the benchmark of loyalty. Anyone seen as critical of their country’s actions—even in the name of peace or humanity—is vilified. And yet, people naturally rally behind their armies during war, believing that it is a symbol of national strength and protection. Ideologically, many believe this is the correct stance. In both Pakistan and India, supporting the military is often seen as a patriotic duty, and any deviation is treated with suspicion or worse.
However, the real question is not about loyalty to one’s army, but about identifying who is the oppressor and who is oppressed. For Indian Muslims, this is even more complicated. If they speak the truth, especially when Pakistan is the victim of aggression, they risk their lives, their families, and their futures. If they remain silent, they are asked: “Are you complicit? Are you secretly supporting Pakistan?” In such an environment, silence itself becomes suspect. This dilemma applies equally to Pakistani citizens, especially those who question their state’s conduct or war strategy.
This situation is a textbook example of fitna—a period of severe trial, confusion, and moral ambiguity, foretold in many hadiths. In such times, truth is blurred, alliances are forced, and ordinary people are crushed between competing powers. It is a fitna manufactured by imperialists, born from the violent partition of India and Pakistan, and now perpetuated by global interests who benefit from eternal hostility in South Asia. The divisions it creates—sectarian, nationalistic, ideological—are now deeper and more dangerous than ever before.
The real battle in this unfolding conflict is not only in the skies or on the borders—it is far more sinister and widespread. It is a war of narratives, misinformation, identity, and fear. What we are seeing now is a media-fueled battleground, dominated by trolls, propaganda machines, fake news, and digital hate campaigns from both sides. This information war is perhaps more damaging than the physical one because it targets the minds, loyalties, and identities of people, especially those who live in complex social and national conditions—like Indian Muslims, Pakistani dissenters, and Kashmiris.
Take, for example, the case of foreign Indian Muslims or ideological Indian Muslims who live abroad. If they openly support Pakistan’s right to defend its territory or mourn the deaths of civilians in Pakistan, they are instantly labeled by Hindutva forces as traitors. They are told to “go to Pakistan.” They are harassed, doxxed, and publicly shamed. But if they do the opposite—support India’s actions—they risk being condemned by Pakistani nationalists or Kashmiri activists as Indian agents or oppressors. The same double bind applies to Pakistanis. If a Pakistani calls for peace or criticizes escalation, they are immediately accused of being traitors or Indian agents.
Kashmiris are stuck in a particularly cruel trap. If they claim neutrality, they are still targeted—by both Indian nationalists who see them as separatists and by Pakistani or pro-Kashmir voices who see their silence as betrayal. This toxic polarization leaves no room for honest voices, nuanced opinions, or human empathy.
Nationalism, in its rawest form, has become the benchmark of loyalty. Anyone seen as critical of their country’s actions—even in the name of peace or humanity—is vilified. And yet, people naturally rally behind their armies during war, believing that it is a symbol of national strength and protection. Ideologically, many believe this is the correct stance. In both Pakistan and India, supporting the military is often seen as a patriotic duty, and any deviation is treated with suspicion or worse.
However, the real question is not about loyalty to one’s army, but about identifying who is the oppressor and who is oppressed. For Indian Muslims, this is even more complicated. If they speak the truth, especially when Pakistan is the victim of aggression, they risk their lives, their families, and their futures. If they remain silent, they are asked: “Are you complicit? Are you secretly supporting Pakistan?” In such an environment, silence itself becomes suspect. This dilemma applies equally to Pakistani citizens, especially those who question their state’s conduct or war strategy.
This situation is a textbook example of fitna—a period of severe trial, confusion, and moral ambiguity, foretold in many hadiths. In such times, truth is blurred, alliances are forced, and ordinary people are crushed between competing powers. It is a fitna manufactured by imperialists, born from the violent partition of India and Pakistan, and now perpetuated by global interests who benefit from eternal hostility in South Asia. The divisions it creates—sectarian, nationalistic, ideological—are now deeper and more dangerous than ever before.
Zionist and American hands benefit from every Indian-Pakistani clash: (4/4):
In such a scenario, what should one do? Those with platforms, voices, or access to the public must speak—but they must do so with honesty, not with nationalist bias or inherited enmity. They must reject blind hatred and choose principles rooted in justice and truth. But for those who cannot speak, for those who know the reality but are too vulnerable to say it, there is guidance.
Imam Ali (A) said:
قَالَ: كُنْ فِي الْفِتْنَةِ كَابْنِ اللَّبُونِ لَا ظَهْرٌ فَيُرْكَبَ وَلَا ضَرْعٌ فَيُحْلَبَ
“During fitna, be like the young camel, which has no back to ride and no udder to milk.”
This means: Do not make yourself a tool to be exploited by either side. Stay out of the trap where both enemy and supposed ally can use or harm you.
In times of great fitna, neutrality, when done with awareness and precaution, can be an act of protection and wisdom.
The best course for those caught in this storm is neither cowardice nor blind loyalty—but calculated silence, strategic caution, and, when possible, courageous truth. Fitna spares no one—but wisdom can protect the sincere.
In such a scenario, what should one do? Those with platforms, voices, or access to the public must speak—but they must do so with honesty, not with nationalist bias or inherited enmity. They must reject blind hatred and choose principles rooted in justice and truth. But for those who cannot speak, for those who know the reality but are too vulnerable to say it, there is guidance.
Imam Ali (A) said:
قَالَ: كُنْ فِي الْفِتْنَةِ كَابْنِ اللَّبُونِ لَا ظَهْرٌ فَيُرْكَبَ وَلَا ضَرْعٌ فَيُحْلَبَ
“During fitna, be like the young camel, which has no back to ride and no udder to milk.”
This means: Do not make yourself a tool to be exploited by either side. Stay out of the trap where both enemy and supposed ally can use or harm you.
In times of great fitna, neutrality, when done with awareness and precaution, can be an act of protection and wisdom.
The best course for those caught in this storm is neither cowardice nor blind loyalty—but calculated silence, strategic caution, and, when possible, courageous truth. Fitna spares no one—but wisdom can protect the sincere.