Forwarded from TYLER RUSSELL
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Forwarded from Joel Davis (censored)
THE JEWISH SUBVERSION OF THE AUSTRALIAN DREAM
The Australian Dream, a derivation of the similar but not identical American term, grew out of the egalitarian ideals of the late 1800s and held broadly to a vision of a universally propertied nation, with the old class divides between the property haves and have-nots abolished in the New Britannia, signifying greater opportunities for social mobility and freedom. As well as its egalitarian thrust, it was believed that ownership of one’s own block of land and home, the essence of the Australian Dream, would lead to prosperity and political stability, as well as produce a healthy population living in clean air away from industrial pollution, political radicalism, and other immoral influences. As early as the 1930s, Australia likely held the crown for the most suburban country of all nations, as well as possessing an extraordinarily high homeownership rate, an achievement almost unmatched by other countries in the West. In the face of this distinctly Australian achievement, living in a flat represented almost a complete negation of the Australian Dream as a cultural aspiration and was in fact seen as a danger to the Australian way of life.
However, by the late 1950s the defences began to buckle as rates of migration from Europe gathered speed. Demand also came from the new generation of young adults, the nascent baby boomers, who saw flats as a “launching pad for freedom.” Renting a flat or “flatting” became synonymous with unmarried youth seeking to lead transient sex lives away from the prying eyes of parents and close neighbours, and flats were a cheap housing choice for young women attempting to remove themselves from the social expectations of family life.
As developers, financiers, and architects, but also as residents going against the grain of the Australian Dream and the prevailing suburban living norm, it is Jews that emerge as playing the leading role in breaking through the existing stigma and cultural opposition to bring the flat and high-rise typology en masse to the city of Melbourne. When the post-war influx of Ostjuden from Central and Eastern Europe began moving into the traditional Anglo-Jewish precinct of St Kilda and spreading into the surrounding neighbourhoods, flat developments soon followed in their wake. As O’Hanlon notes, “it is no accident that the distribution of the flats built in Melbourne in those years correlates strongly to the residential patterns of this growing Jewish community.”
More than any other ethnic group, Jewish property developers and architects would play a leading role in this change in the post-war period and into the twenty-first century, enormously overrepresented in re-shaping Sydney into a sprawling apartment metropolis with the densest population of any city in Australia. Modern property development powerhouses founded in this era—Meriton, Stockland and Mirvac—all have Jewish roots, as do prominent developers of the past such as Paul Strasser and Frank Theeman. The strong spatial patterns of flat and apartment development in the eastern suburbs of Sydney during this period strongly correlate to the traditional Jewish suburbs of Bondi, Woollahra and Paddington (the equivalents of St Kilda in Melbourne), and the growth of the Jewish community from post-war migration into the areas around Kings Cross and Edgecliff. The same over-representative Jewish presence noted in the high-rise trend in Melbourne is evident in Sydney on an even larger scale. Between strata reform in 1961 and the year 1980, more than 50 percent of high-rise apartment developments above 15 stories involved some combination of a Jewish developer or architect.
The Australian Dream, a derivation of the similar but not identical American term, grew out of the egalitarian ideals of the late 1800s and held broadly to a vision of a universally propertied nation, with the old class divides between the property haves and have-nots abolished in the New Britannia, signifying greater opportunities for social mobility and freedom. As well as its egalitarian thrust, it was believed that ownership of one’s own block of land and home, the essence of the Australian Dream, would lead to prosperity and political stability, as well as produce a healthy population living in clean air away from industrial pollution, political radicalism, and other immoral influences. As early as the 1930s, Australia likely held the crown for the most suburban country of all nations, as well as possessing an extraordinarily high homeownership rate, an achievement almost unmatched by other countries in the West. In the face of this distinctly Australian achievement, living in a flat represented almost a complete negation of the Australian Dream as a cultural aspiration and was in fact seen as a danger to the Australian way of life.
However, by the late 1950s the defences began to buckle as rates of migration from Europe gathered speed. Demand also came from the new generation of young adults, the nascent baby boomers, who saw flats as a “launching pad for freedom.” Renting a flat or “flatting” became synonymous with unmarried youth seeking to lead transient sex lives away from the prying eyes of parents and close neighbours, and flats were a cheap housing choice for young women attempting to remove themselves from the social expectations of family life.
As developers, financiers, and architects, but also as residents going against the grain of the Australian Dream and the prevailing suburban living norm, it is Jews that emerge as playing the leading role in breaking through the existing stigma and cultural opposition to bring the flat and high-rise typology en masse to the city of Melbourne. When the post-war influx of Ostjuden from Central and Eastern Europe began moving into the traditional Anglo-Jewish precinct of St Kilda and spreading into the surrounding neighbourhoods, flat developments soon followed in their wake. As O’Hanlon notes, “it is no accident that the distribution of the flats built in Melbourne in those years correlates strongly to the residential patterns of this growing Jewish community.”
More than any other ethnic group, Jewish property developers and architects would play a leading role in this change in the post-war period and into the twenty-first century, enormously overrepresented in re-shaping Sydney into a sprawling apartment metropolis with the densest population of any city in Australia. Modern property development powerhouses founded in this era—Meriton, Stockland and Mirvac—all have Jewish roots, as do prominent developers of the past such as Paul Strasser and Frank Theeman. The strong spatial patterns of flat and apartment development in the eastern suburbs of Sydney during this period strongly correlate to the traditional Jewish suburbs of Bondi, Woollahra and Paddington (the equivalents of St Kilda in Melbourne), and the growth of the Jewish community from post-war migration into the areas around Kings Cross and Edgecliff. The same over-representative Jewish presence noted in the high-rise trend in Melbourne is evident in Sydney on an even larger scale. Between strata reform in 1961 and the year 1980, more than 50 percent of high-rise apartment developments above 15 stories involved some combination of a Jewish developer or architect.
Forwarded from LAURA LOOMER
NEW SUBSTACK
Ron DeSantis and His PAC Appear to Have Purchased An #Iowa Endorsement, But Will Bribery Be Enough To Resurrect His Campaign?
https://lauraloomer.substack.com/p/ron-desantis-and-his-pac-appear-to
Ron DeSantis and His PAC Appear to Have Purchased An #Iowa Endorsement, But Will Bribery Be Enough To Resurrect His Campaign?
https://lauraloomer.substack.com/p/ron-desantis-and-his-pac-appear-to
LOOMER UNLEASHED
Ron DeSantis and His PAC Appear to Have Purchased An Iowa Endorsement, But Will Bribery Be Enough To Resurrect His Campaign?
Did Ron DeSantis bribe an anti-Trump, Iowa conservative figure for his support in the 2024 GOP primary?
Forwarded from Brother Augustine
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