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A labyrinth of ideas,
A diary of curiosities

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Forwarded from Zahraa abdulrahman . . .
you're not a 'night owl' you're actually doing something called "revenge bedtime procrastination" which is where you stay up really late after work/school/ college because it's your way of reclaiming time that you feel was taken from you throughout the day and this is you trying to feel like you have a little bit of control over your life.
In aesthetics, for example, an Indian and a German might disagree about what was beautiful, but this didn’t mean one side was right and the other wrong. Each judgment reflected a volksgeist (German for 'spirit of the people') and was true only insofar as it truly expressed the volksgeist. A value judgment could rise no higher than the level of the nation. Herder wasn’t saying one nation was better than another, just that they were different, and that one nation couldn’t be judged by the values of another.

Herder's follower, a German philosopher named Fichte, suggested that some volks (German for 'nations') might actually be superior to others. Specifically, he suggested that Germans were better than others.

— Destiny Disrupted
Those who forged the United States—politicians, historians, philosophers, writers, thinkers, and citizens in general—asserted a nationalist idea quite distinct from the ideologies spawned in Europe. Instead of seeking nationhood in a common religion, history, traditions, customs, race, or ethnic identity, they proposed that multitudes of individuals could become “a people” by virtue of shared principles and shared allegiance to a process. It was a nationalism based on ideas, a nationalism that anyone could embrace because, in theory, it was a nation any person could become a member of, not just those who were born into it.

— Destiny Disrupted
The composition of vast books is a laborious and impoverishing extravagance. To go on for five hundred pages developing an idea whose perfect oral exposition is possible in a few minutes! A better course of procedure is to pretend that these books already exist, and then to offer a resume, a commentary.

More reasonable, more inept, more indolent, I have preferred to write notes upon imaginary books. Such are “Tlön, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius,” “An Examination of the Work of Herbert Quain,” “The Approach to Al-Mu’tasim.”

— Jorge Luis Borges
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A better course of procedure is to pretend that these books already exist, and then to offer a resume, a commentary.
أمل دنقل عنده نفس هالسالفة:
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من أوراق أبي نوّاس
.
بعد عنده "البكاء بين يدي زرقاء اليمامة،" و "سفر التكوين،" و "مقابلة خاصة مع ابن نوح."
Forwarded from FREE
Forwarded from The Shire (Venom)
In principle, the League of Nations endorsed the idea of self-rule in the Arab world, but in practice, it implemented the Sykes-Picot agreement, dividing the area into zones called “mandates,” which were awarded to Britain and France. The document setting up these mandates called them territories “inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world” and said “the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their . . . experience . . . can best undertake this responsibility.” In short, it spoke of Arabs as children and of Europeans as grown-ups who would take care of them until they could do grown-up things like feed themselves.
Geographically, many of the “nations” that the liberation movements strove to liberate were defined by borders the imperialist powers had drawn: so even in their struggle for liberation they were playing out a story set in motion by Europeans.
It’s easy to forget that the organization of the world into countries is less than a century old. In fact this process was not fully completed until after World War II. Between 1945 and 1975, some one hundred new countries were born, and every inch of earth finally belonged to some nation-state or other.
Nationalist sentiment was not in short supply; lots of that was sloshing around in the Middle World at this time. The trouble was, most of the new nation-states were rather artificial. Afghanistan, for example, had been created by Russia and Britain. Iran, until recently, had been a loose conglomeration of disparate parts, an empire, not a country. Turkey was a nation-state because Atatürk said so. As for India, where does one even begin?But the most problematic region for nationalism was the Arab heartland.
— Destiny Disrupted
الحصار الدولي على العراق
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الحصار الدولي على العراق
After the war, the United Nations imposed sanctions that virtually severed Iraq from the world and reduced Iraqi citizens from a European standard of living in 1990 to one that approached the most impoverished on Earth. Incomes dropped about 95 percent. Disease spread, and there was no medicine to stem it. Over two hundred thousand children—and perhaps as many as half a million—died as a direct result of the sanctions. One U.N. official, Denis Halliday, resigned because of these sanctions, claiming that “Five thousand children are dying every month. . . . I don’t want to administer a program that results in figures like these.”
The only sector of Iraqi society on whom the sanctions had little impact was the Ba’ath Party elite, Saddam Hussein and his cohorts, the very people the sanctions were intended to punish.

— Destiny Disrupted
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الحصار الدولي على العراق
باختصار: الأُمم المتحدة فرضت حصار دولي عزل العراق تمامًا عن العالَم الخارجي. الحجّة جانت أنّ هالحصار هو لإضعاف حزب البعث والضغط على صدام حسين، بس اللي صار هو العكس، صدام استمر بنفس اسلوب حياته المُترَف ونظامه استمر بقتل العراقيين، بينما المواطن العراقي نزل دَخله بنسبة 95% وانتشرت الأمراض بالمجتمع وانعدمت الأدوية وصارت الناس تشتغل أي شغلة وتبيع أي شي بس علمود تحصل فلس واحد. فترة الحصار هي نفسها الفترة اللي طشت بيها سوالف أبو طبر والسوق السوداء والرشاوي والحواسم، لأن الناس كاموا يلجأون حتى للأعمال غير المشروعة والفلوس الحرام بس علمود ما يموتون من الجوع همة وعوائلهم