08-05-2022_-_Hand_Written_Notes.pdf
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08-05-2022_-_Hand_Written_Notes.pdf
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TH_09_May_2022.pdf
💢💢The Hindu Editorial with Vocab - 9th MAY
Third and final round: On the tussle over Delhi’s status
The complexities of the law governing the National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi will once again be under elaborate judicial focus. In what will be the third round of litigation in the dispute between the Union government and the Government of the NCT of Delhi, a Constitution Bench will embark on interpreting a couple of phrases in Article 239AA, which confers a unique status for Delhi. It would indeed seem unnecessary for another Constitution Bench after five judges had rendered an authoritative pronouncement in 2018 on various questions that arose from Article 239AA. However, the Chief Justice of India, Justice N.V. Ramana, has made it clear that the reference to a five-member Bench will be strictly limited to the interpretation of a couple of phrases that were not examined by the earlier Bench, and no other point will be reopened. Broadly, the 2018 verdict, through three concurring opinions, had ruled that Delhi was indeed a Union Territory, but the Lieutenant Governor, as the Administrator appointed by the President, should act as per the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers, in areas in which legislative power was conferred on Delhi’s Legislative Assembly. Under Article 239AA, except for police, public order and land, the Delhi Assembly can make law on all other matters in the State and Concurrent Lists ‘insofar as such matter is applicable to Union Territories’. The mandate of the hearing is to declare what this phrase means, and whether it is one more limitation on Delhi’s legislative, and by extension, executive powers.
The 2018 ruling limited the Lieutenant Governor’s domain by making it clear that not every decision required his concurrence. It had cautioned against the notion of representative democracy being negated, if legitimate decisions of the Council of Ministers were blocked merely because the Lieutenant Governor had a different view. The Lieutenant Governor’s power to refer “any matter” on which he disagreed with the elected regime did not mean he could raise a dispute on “every matter”. It is perhaps because of the underlying message that an unelected administrator should not undermine an elected administration that the Centre badly wanted a fresh reference to another Constitution Bench. It is indeed true that a split verdict by a two-judge Bench on the question whether ‘services’ fell under the Union government’s domain or the NCT government has flagged the absence of a determination in the Constitution Bench verdict on the question whether Entry 41 of the State List (services) is within the NCT’s executive and legislative domain. Entry 41 is not one of the excluded areas of legislation by the Delhi Assembly, but it has been argued that there are no services under the Delhi government and, therefore, it was not a matter applicable to the NCT at all. Settling this remaining question should give a quietus to the endless wrangling between the Modi government at the Centre and the Kejriwal regime in Delhi.
CREDIT SOURCE - THE HINDU
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1. Embark(v) : begin (a course of action)
2. Render : to cause someone or something to be in a particular state:
3. Conferred(v): grant (a title, degree, benefit, or right).
4. ‘insofar as(phrase): to the extent that. जहां तक
5. Negate(v): make ineffective; nullify.
Third and final round: On the tussle over Delhi’s status
The complexities of the law governing the National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi will once again be under elaborate judicial focus. In what will be the third round of litigation in the dispute between the Union government and the Government of the NCT of Delhi, a Constitution Bench will embark on interpreting a couple of phrases in Article 239AA, which confers a unique status for Delhi. It would indeed seem unnecessary for another Constitution Bench after five judges had rendered an authoritative pronouncement in 2018 on various questions that arose from Article 239AA. However, the Chief Justice of India, Justice N.V. Ramana, has made it clear that the reference to a five-member Bench will be strictly limited to the interpretation of a couple of phrases that were not examined by the earlier Bench, and no other point will be reopened. Broadly, the 2018 verdict, through three concurring opinions, had ruled that Delhi was indeed a Union Territory, but the Lieutenant Governor, as the Administrator appointed by the President, should act as per the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers, in areas in which legislative power was conferred on Delhi’s Legislative Assembly. Under Article 239AA, except for police, public order and land, the Delhi Assembly can make law on all other matters in the State and Concurrent Lists ‘insofar as such matter is applicable to Union Territories’. The mandate of the hearing is to declare what this phrase means, and whether it is one more limitation on Delhi’s legislative, and by extension, executive powers.
The 2018 ruling limited the Lieutenant Governor’s domain by making it clear that not every decision required his concurrence. It had cautioned against the notion of representative democracy being negated, if legitimate decisions of the Council of Ministers were blocked merely because the Lieutenant Governor had a different view. The Lieutenant Governor’s power to refer “any matter” on which he disagreed with the elected regime did not mean he could raise a dispute on “every matter”. It is perhaps because of the underlying message that an unelected administrator should not undermine an elected administration that the Centre badly wanted a fresh reference to another Constitution Bench. It is indeed true that a split verdict by a two-judge Bench on the question whether ‘services’ fell under the Union government’s domain or the NCT government has flagged the absence of a determination in the Constitution Bench verdict on the question whether Entry 41 of the State List (services) is within the NCT’s executive and legislative domain. Entry 41 is not one of the excluded areas of legislation by the Delhi Assembly, but it has been argued that there are no services under the Delhi government and, therefore, it was not a matter applicable to the NCT at all. Settling this remaining question should give a quietus to the endless wrangling between the Modi government at the Centre and the Kejriwal regime in Delhi.
CREDIT SOURCE - THE HINDU
-------------------------------------------
1. Embark(v) : begin (a course of action)
2. Render : to cause someone or something to be in a particular state:
3. Conferred(v): grant (a title, degree, benefit, or right).
4. ‘insofar as(phrase): to the extent that. जहां तक
5. Negate(v): make ineffective; nullify.
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TH_10_May_2022.pdf
💢💢The Hindu Editorial with Vocab - 10th MAY
Alarm bells: On symbols of Sikh separatism
Symbols of Sikh separatism that appeared at the Himachal Pradesh Assembly complex in Dharamshala on Sunday suggest that forces promoting it are active and capable of mischief. Purported flags of imaginary Khalistan were put up on the gate of the complex, and slogans scrawled on the walls. The State police chief has set up a special investigation team and ordered heightened vigil at the borders. On the same day, the police in Punjab said they had averted a terror attack after arresting two men, said to be Khalistani sympathisers, with explosives in Tarn Taran district. A U.S.-based Khalistani separatist has been charged in Himachal Pradesh under the UAPA and the Indian Penal Code. Opposition parties in the State, the Congress and AAP, have used the incident to make a case against the ruling BJP, months ahead of the Assembly election. Comparable rhetoric had shadowed the recent election in Punjab, where political opponents accused one another of being sympathetic to separatists. That was avoidable loose talk on a sensitive topic. Sikh separatism, and the accompanying terrorism supported by Pakistan, was snuffed out by the Indian state decades ago, but at a huge human and political cost. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated and the sectarian violence against the Sikh community that followed in different places deepened the fault lines. Those wounds continue to fester, and care must be taken by the state, political actors and community leaders to ensure that history does not repeat itself as yet another tragedy.
A separatist plan to hold a referendum on Khalistan in Himachal Pradesh is laughable, but vigilance is essential. The groups that call for Khalistan are based abroad, and command little respect in the Sikh mainstream at the moment. They campaign among the Sikh diaspora, alleging mistreatment of the community by the Indian state. They have a favourable environment though. Domestic divisions in India, exacerbated by the politics and policy of the ruling BJP, are echoing among the diaspora in the U.S., Canada, Europe and Australia. Religious minorities and Dalits have been disconnected from the diaspora mobilisation of the Indian government. Hindutva affiliates helm Indian diaspora politics. This provides an opening for India’s enemies to inflame passions. Fortunately for India, there are not many takers for such propaganda among the Sikh community. But thoughtless comments and campaigns against the community, particularly when they are led by powerful political actors, can trigger serious reactions. In its desperation to delegitimise the farm agitation, the BJP tacitly supported campaigns that portrayed Sikh protestors as anti-nationals inspired by foreign countries. Though isolated and feeble, Sikh separatism continues to flicker. It must serve as a constant reminder for social cohesion and impartial state policy.
CREDIT SOURCE - THE HINDU
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1. Scrawl(verb): write (something) in a hurried, careless way.
2. Avert(v): turn away, stop , prevent;
3. Rhetoric(N): power of speech
4. Fester(v) : (of a wound or sore) become septic; suppurate.
5. Referendum(N) : a general vote by the electorate on a single political question which has been referred to them for a direct decision.
6. Exacerbate(v) - make (a problem, bad situation, or negative feeling) worse.
7. Diaspora(N) - the dispersion or spread of any people from their original homeland. प्रवासी
Alarm bells: On symbols of Sikh separatism
Symbols of Sikh separatism that appeared at the Himachal Pradesh Assembly complex in Dharamshala on Sunday suggest that forces promoting it are active and capable of mischief. Purported flags of imaginary Khalistan were put up on the gate of the complex, and slogans scrawled on the walls. The State police chief has set up a special investigation team and ordered heightened vigil at the borders. On the same day, the police in Punjab said they had averted a terror attack after arresting two men, said to be Khalistani sympathisers, with explosives in Tarn Taran district. A U.S.-based Khalistani separatist has been charged in Himachal Pradesh under the UAPA and the Indian Penal Code. Opposition parties in the State, the Congress and AAP, have used the incident to make a case against the ruling BJP, months ahead of the Assembly election. Comparable rhetoric had shadowed the recent election in Punjab, where political opponents accused one another of being sympathetic to separatists. That was avoidable loose talk on a sensitive topic. Sikh separatism, and the accompanying terrorism supported by Pakistan, was snuffed out by the Indian state decades ago, but at a huge human and political cost. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated and the sectarian violence against the Sikh community that followed in different places deepened the fault lines. Those wounds continue to fester, and care must be taken by the state, political actors and community leaders to ensure that history does not repeat itself as yet another tragedy.
A separatist plan to hold a referendum on Khalistan in Himachal Pradesh is laughable, but vigilance is essential. The groups that call for Khalistan are based abroad, and command little respect in the Sikh mainstream at the moment. They campaign among the Sikh diaspora, alleging mistreatment of the community by the Indian state. They have a favourable environment though. Domestic divisions in India, exacerbated by the politics and policy of the ruling BJP, are echoing among the diaspora in the U.S., Canada, Europe and Australia. Religious minorities and Dalits have been disconnected from the diaspora mobilisation of the Indian government. Hindutva affiliates helm Indian diaspora politics. This provides an opening for India’s enemies to inflame passions. Fortunately for India, there are not many takers for such propaganda among the Sikh community. But thoughtless comments and campaigns against the community, particularly when they are led by powerful political actors, can trigger serious reactions. In its desperation to delegitimise the farm agitation, the BJP tacitly supported campaigns that portrayed Sikh protestors as anti-nationals inspired by foreign countries. Though isolated and feeble, Sikh separatism continues to flicker. It must serve as a constant reminder for social cohesion and impartial state policy.
CREDIT SOURCE - THE HINDU
------------------------------------------
1. Scrawl(verb): write (something) in a hurried, careless way.
2. Avert(v): turn away, stop , prevent;
3. Rhetoric(N): power of speech
4. Fester(v) : (of a wound or sore) become septic; suppurate.
5. Referendum(N) : a general vote by the electorate on a single political question which has been referred to them for a direct decision.
6. Exacerbate(v) - make (a problem, bad situation, or negative feeling) worse.
7. Diaspora(N) - the dispersion or spread of any people from their original homeland. प्रवासी
10-05-2022_-_Hand_Written_Notes.pdf
4.7 MB
10-05-2022_-_Hand_Written_Notes.pdf
EK DUM BASIC
TH_11_May_2022.pdf
💢💢The Hindu Editorial with Vocab - 11th MAY
The end of a brand: On the fall of the Rajapaksas
The resignation of Sri Lankan Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, amidst extraordinary scenes of violence as part of the widespread public uprising against his family’s rule, marks the abrupt fall of a political brand that has been dominating the country for the better part of the last decade-and-a-half. Venerated by large sections of the majority Sinhalese as a national hero who defeated the Liberation Tigers, Mr. Mahinda could never have imagined that his teeming support base would be replaced by swarming protesters so vehemently opposed to him that he would have to leave ‘Temple Trees’, his Colombo residence, for safety. Thousands of protesters have been demanding the resignation of all the Rajapaksas occupying various posts, including President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, as the economic crisis became unbearable with a huge shortage of food and fuel, as well as the means to buy them. Until a few days ago, the Rajapaksas appeared heedless of the demand, as the country sought to overcome the crisis through overseas aid and bailout packages. However, as the protests spiralled, it appeared that the President wanted his elder brother to resign as Prime Minister. Amidst the political uncertainty, a violent attack on the protesters in Colombo, allegedly by supporters of the Prime Minister, set off a series of incidents that resulted in deaths and injuries, even as houses of political leaders, including the ancestral home of the Rajapaksas in Hambantota, were targeted by arsonists.
Mr. Mahinda’s resignation may not be enough to assuage the protesters and the political instability may continue. Anyone taking up the post of Prime Minister now will have to command public trust as well as have the will to steer the country towards economic recovery. President Gotabaya will have to choose someone who can command a parliamentary majority, but the current mood of public anger may deter anyone who has been associated with the Rajapaksa regime. The Opposition leader, Sajith Premadasa, has already declined an offer to head a government under a Gotabaya Presidency. For India, which has responded to the crisis with financial and material aid worth $3.50 billion, the situation presents a unique dilemma: its continued support should not be seen as a means of keeping an unpopular regime going; nor can it look the other way as shortages persist, causing misery for the common folk. In its reaction to the situation, India has said it supports Sri Lanka’s democracy, stability and economic recovery and that it “will always be guided by the best interests of the people of Sri Lanka expressed through democratic processes”. This can only mean that it does not want to be seen as extending political support to the present regime, but prioritises the people’s interests. A larger message from the demise of the Rajapaksa brand is that muscular nationalism and majoritarian mobilisation may not be an endless reservoir of support, and will be of no avail when the masses face economic hardship.
CREDIT SOURCE - THE HINDU
-------------------------------------------
1. Abrupt (Adj)- sudden and unexpected.
2. Venerate (V)- regard with great respect; revere. पूजनीय
3. Swarming (Adj)- moving in or forming a large or dense group. झुंड
4. Vehemently (Adv)- in a forceful, passionate, or intense manner; with great feeling. आवेगपूर्ण
5. Unbearable (Adj)- not able to be endured or tolerated. असहनीय
6. Bailout (N)- an act of giving financial assistance to a failing business or economy to save it from collapse.
7. Ancestral (Adj)- of, belonging to, or inherited from an ancestor or ancestors. पैतृक
8. Folk (N)- people, especially those of a particular group or type. लोग
The end of a brand: On the fall of the Rajapaksas
The resignation of Sri Lankan Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, amidst extraordinary scenes of violence as part of the widespread public uprising against his family’s rule, marks the abrupt fall of a political brand that has been dominating the country for the better part of the last decade-and-a-half. Venerated by large sections of the majority Sinhalese as a national hero who defeated the Liberation Tigers, Mr. Mahinda could never have imagined that his teeming support base would be replaced by swarming protesters so vehemently opposed to him that he would have to leave ‘Temple Trees’, his Colombo residence, for safety. Thousands of protesters have been demanding the resignation of all the Rajapaksas occupying various posts, including President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, as the economic crisis became unbearable with a huge shortage of food and fuel, as well as the means to buy them. Until a few days ago, the Rajapaksas appeared heedless of the demand, as the country sought to overcome the crisis through overseas aid and bailout packages. However, as the protests spiralled, it appeared that the President wanted his elder brother to resign as Prime Minister. Amidst the political uncertainty, a violent attack on the protesters in Colombo, allegedly by supporters of the Prime Minister, set off a series of incidents that resulted in deaths and injuries, even as houses of political leaders, including the ancestral home of the Rajapaksas in Hambantota, were targeted by arsonists.
Mr. Mahinda’s resignation may not be enough to assuage the protesters and the political instability may continue. Anyone taking up the post of Prime Minister now will have to command public trust as well as have the will to steer the country towards economic recovery. President Gotabaya will have to choose someone who can command a parliamentary majority, but the current mood of public anger may deter anyone who has been associated with the Rajapaksa regime. The Opposition leader, Sajith Premadasa, has already declined an offer to head a government under a Gotabaya Presidency. For India, which has responded to the crisis with financial and material aid worth $3.50 billion, the situation presents a unique dilemma: its continued support should not be seen as a means of keeping an unpopular regime going; nor can it look the other way as shortages persist, causing misery for the common folk. In its reaction to the situation, India has said it supports Sri Lanka’s democracy, stability and economic recovery and that it “will always be guided by the best interests of the people of Sri Lanka expressed through democratic processes”. This can only mean that it does not want to be seen as extending political support to the present regime, but prioritises the people’s interests. A larger message from the demise of the Rajapaksa brand is that muscular nationalism and majoritarian mobilisation may not be an endless reservoir of support, and will be of no avail when the masses face economic hardship.
CREDIT SOURCE - THE HINDU
-------------------------------------------
1. Abrupt (Adj)- sudden and unexpected.
2. Venerate (V)- regard with great respect; revere. पूजनीय
3. Swarming (Adj)- moving in or forming a large or dense group. झुंड
4. Vehemently (Adv)- in a forceful, passionate, or intense manner; with great feeling. आवेगपूर्ण
5. Unbearable (Adj)- not able to be endured or tolerated. असहनीय
6. Bailout (N)- an act of giving financial assistance to a failing business or economy to save it from collapse.
7. Ancestral (Adj)- of, belonging to, or inherited from an ancestor or ancestors. पैतृक
8. Folk (N)- people, especially those of a particular group or type. लोग
Select the most appropriate meaning of the following idiom - To take rest
Anonymous Quiz
15%
To chase someone
35%
To be similar in appearance
17%
To mock someone
34%
To change sides often
Select the most appropriate antonym of the following word - Appal
Anonymous Quiz
16%
Alarm
36%
Assure
29%
Amaze
18%
Astound