有些問題需要尋求新穎的解決方法。 法律界曾在有關事務律師於高級法院的出庭發言權有過激烈爭拗，我將此事提請終審法院首席大法官，並恭請他介入以解決問題。法律應以公眾利益為優先考慮，而非地盤爭奪，此為令公眾持續對法律界持信心對法治至關重要。
The expansion of legal aid's supplementary scheme, assistance for unrepresented litigants, more user-friendly and helpful free community legal advice were among other examples for which extra effort had to be made to find solutions. Often there were setbacks. In 2002, when Audrey Eu SC was also in LegCo, we worked in partnership with NGOs on a proposal for a community legal services center, to give people timely and useful legal advice. Although it was rejected by the government at the time, in due course the idea bore fruit elsewhere.
擴大法律援助的補充計劃，為無律師代表的訴訟人提供援助，更人性化的免費社區法律諮詢等，都是以新穎方法處理問題的例子。路途上自然會有各種的挫折；2002 年，余若薇資深大律師同在立法會共事時，我們與非政府組織合作，提出了建立社區法律服務中心，以便為市民提供及時而有用的法律諮詢。即使當時遭到政府拒絕，但這個建議最終仍能夠在他處結出碩果。
I had found that, frequently, tact, diligence and patience were what was needed. But at other times, when a fundamental value was violated, strong statements and response were required. In June 1999, in the wake of the Court of Final Appeal's landmark decision on the right of abode in Ng Ka Ling, the NPCSC issued its first interpretation of the Basic Law to overturn the court's decision. This shook the world's faith in the power of final adjudication of the court. In protest, on 30 June, I and over 600 members of the legal profession went on a silent march, and stood in quiet respect and in solidarity in front of the CFA building then on Battery Path, to mark our unswerving support for the court in that critical hour, so that the community may not be demoralized.
我發現很多時候，都需要機智、勤奮和耐心。 但當基本價值或原則受到衝擊甚至被違反，就需要強而有力的聲明和回應。 1999 年 6 月，終審法院就吳嘉玲的居留權作出具有里程碑意義的裁決後，全國人大常委會就對《基本法》進行第一次釋法，並推翻法院的裁決。 這動搖了世界對法院終審判決權的信念。 6 月 30 日，我和 600 多位法律專業人士發起靜默遊行，在終審法院前以前向法庭表示敬意和聲援，以表示我們對法院的堅定支持，從而令到社會不因此灰心。
Your honour, the task in the defence of the rule of law also meant commitment to the process of law-making. I devoted a great deal of my time to vetting bills. It is recorded that I had worked in 155 bills committees. It is vital to the rule of law that the laws passed by the legislature are sound, rights-based, and measure up to the highest standards. For, judges are bound to apply the law as it is, not as what they would wish it to be. Lawyers are in a better position than most to know how a piece of legislation would work - or would not work - when it comes to be tested in the courts. In this I worked closely with the profession to whom I will always be grateful. We did our best to see to it that rights were not inadvertently or unnecessarily compromised. The law should give protection to rights, not take them away, especially in Hong Kong, where structural democracy is still absent. The people relied on the law to protect them, and the courts are the ultimate arbiter of the law. We are mindful that when the court applies a law which takes away fundamental rights, the confidence in the courts and judicial independence is shaken, even though the fault lies in the law, not with the judge who applies it, and that would strike at the foundation of our rule of law.
法官閣下，捍衛法治的任務意味著對立法過程要有承擔。我花了很多時間來審查議案據記錄，我曾在 155 個法案委員會工作。立法機關通過的法律要健全，要基於權利，要達到最高標準－這對法治至關重要。皆因法官必須按原樣法律，而非按他們的希望。律師比平常人比較容易明白一項法律在法庭上到底能不能經發揮作用。在這方面，我將永遠感激與我緊密合作的同行。我們竭盡所能，以確保權利不會被無意或不必要地損害。法律應該保障權利，而不是剝奪權利，尤其是在缺乏系統性民主的香港。人民曾依靠法律保護他們，而終審法院是法律的最終仲裁者。我們知道當法院執行剝奪基本權利的法律時，即使是法律的過錯而非法官的過失，市民對法院和司法獨立的信心也會動搖。
Your honour, the importance of that duty was driven home to me by the words of a distinguished judge - Associate Justice Anthony Kennedy of the United States Supreme Court as he then was - when he came to Hong Kong at the invitation of the then Chief Justice Andrew Li to give a speech to the Judiciary and the legal profession on 8 February, 1999. He was deeply moved by the challenges lying ahead of us, and the important role of an independent Judiciary.
The expansion of legal aid's supplementary scheme, assistance for unrepresented litigants, more user-friendly and helpful free community legal advice were among other examples for which extra effort had to be made to find solutions. Often there were setbacks. In 2002, when Audrey Eu SC was also in LegCo, we worked in partnership with NGOs on a proposal for a community legal services center, to give people timely and useful legal advice. Although it was rejected by the government at the time, in due course the idea bore fruit elsewhere.
擴大法律援助的補充計劃，為無律師代表的訴訟人提供援助，更人性化的免費社區法律諮詢等，都是以新穎方法處理問題的例子。路途上自然會有各種的挫折；2002 年，余若薇資深大律師同在立法會共事時，我們與非政府組織合作，提出了建立社區法律服務中心，以便為市民提供及時而有用的法律諮詢。即使當時遭到政府拒絕，但這個建議最終仍能夠在他處結出碩果。
I had found that, frequently, tact, diligence and patience were what was needed. But at other times, when a fundamental value was violated, strong statements and response were required. In June 1999, in the wake of the Court of Final Appeal's landmark decision on the right of abode in Ng Ka Ling, the NPCSC issued its first interpretation of the Basic Law to overturn the court's decision. This shook the world's faith in the power of final adjudication of the court. In protest, on 30 June, I and over 600 members of the legal profession went on a silent march, and stood in quiet respect and in solidarity in front of the CFA building then on Battery Path, to mark our unswerving support for the court in that critical hour, so that the community may not be demoralized.
我發現很多時候，都需要機智、勤奮和耐心。 但當基本價值或原則受到衝擊甚至被違反，就需要強而有力的聲明和回應。 1999 年 6 月，終審法院就吳嘉玲的居留權作出具有里程碑意義的裁決後，全國人大常委會就對《基本法》進行第一次釋法，並推翻法院的裁決。 這動搖了世界對法院終審判決權的信念。 6 月 30 日，我和 600 多位法律專業人士發起靜默遊行，在終審法院前以前向法庭表示敬意和聲援，以表示我們對法院的堅定支持，從而令到社會不因此灰心。
Your honour, the task in the defence of the rule of law also meant commitment to the process of law-making. I devoted a great deal of my time to vetting bills. It is recorded that I had worked in 155 bills committees. It is vital to the rule of law that the laws passed by the legislature are sound, rights-based, and measure up to the highest standards. For, judges are bound to apply the law as it is, not as what they would wish it to be. Lawyers are in a better position than most to know how a piece of legislation would work - or would not work - when it comes to be tested in the courts. In this I worked closely with the profession to whom I will always be grateful. We did our best to see to it that rights were not inadvertently or unnecessarily compromised. The law should give protection to rights, not take them away, especially in Hong Kong, where structural democracy is still absent. The people relied on the law to protect them, and the courts are the ultimate arbiter of the law. We are mindful that when the court applies a law which takes away fundamental rights, the confidence in the courts and judicial independence is shaken, even though the fault lies in the law, not with the judge who applies it, and that would strike at the foundation of our rule of law.
法官閣下，捍衛法治的任務意味著對立法過程要有承擔。我花了很多時間來審查議案據記錄，我曾在 155 個法案委員會工作。立法機關通過的法律要健全，要基於權利，要達到最高標準－這對法治至關重要。皆因法官必須按原樣法律，而非按他們的希望。律師比平常人比較容易明白一項法律在法庭上到底能不能經發揮作用。在這方面，我將永遠感激與我緊密合作的同行。我們竭盡所能，以確保權利不會被無意或不必要地損害。法律應該保障權利，而不是剝奪權利，尤其是在缺乏系統性民主的香港。人民曾依靠法律保護他們，而終審法院是法律的最終仲裁者。我們知道當法院執行剝奪基本權利的法律時，即使是法律的過錯而非法官的過失，市民對法院和司法獨立的信心也會動搖。
Your honour, the importance of that duty was driven home to me by the words of a distinguished judge - Associate Justice Anthony Kennedy of the United States Supreme Court as he then was - when he came to Hong Kong at the invitation of the then Chief Justice Andrew Li to give a speech to the Judiciary and the legal profession on 8 February, 1999. He was deeply moved by the challenges lying ahead of us, and the important role of an independent Judiciary.
He submitted: "One requisite for judicial independence is that judges have the jurisdiction, the right, and the official capacity to decide all matters, susceptible to judicial resolution, that are necessary to ensure liberty and human freedom If a judiciary does not have jurisdiction to this extent, then the members of the bar and the members of the larger society must continue to press to expand the jurisdiction. This is vital, because if the bar and the society seem indifferent to a too-narrow judicial charter, there is a risk that the judiciary will in fact or perception aid and abet a larger scheme to deprive persons of their liberty."
法官閣下，我的職責的重要性是由一位傑出的法官-時任美國最高法院大法官Anthony Kennedy的話奠基的，當時他是應時任終審法院首席法官李國能的邀請來香港，於1999年2月8日向司法機構和法律界發表演說。Kennedy大法官為我們面臨的挑戰以及司法獨立的重要性動容。他指「司法獨立的一個必要條件是，法官擁有司法權、權利和官方權威，決定所有容易受到司法解決的事項，這些是確保自由和人的自由所必需的，如果司法機關在這種程度上沒有司法管轄權，所由大律師和社會的大部分成員必須繼續施加壓力以擴大管轄範圍，這是至關重要的，因為如果大律師和社會對過於狹窄的司法漠不關心，司法機構則有機會事實上或觀感上助紂為虐，協助或鼓勵一個剝奪人身自由的詭計。」
Those were strong words, your honour, but I recognized their authority, and I had ever taken them as marking the ultimate loyalty a barrister owes to judicial independence. Your honour knows that there is no disrespect, to say that the defence of judicial independence is not for the benefit of judges themselves, but so that they can be in a position fearlessly to uphold the rule of law.
雖然措詞強硬，但法官閣下，我認同當中的權威性，且視之為任何一個大律師忠於司法獨立的最高承諾。法官閣下知道，捍衛司法獨立不是為了法官，而是為了容許他們可以無畏無懼、公平公正地捍衛法治這個說法，並沒有絲毫不尊重。
The defence of the rule of law is a two-way street. I believed that the representative of the legal profession in LegCo has a duty also to listen, to consult and explain the law to the community: to alert people to their rights and obligations, to clarify what is obscure, to reduce bewilderment, to invite them to voice their concerns and point out errors, to address those concerns with sincerity, and represent them forcefully to the government; and where their needs cannot be addressed through the law, to work with them towards other solutions.
捍衛法治是一條雙向道。我相信自己作為立法會的法律界代表，有義務聆聽、諮詢並向大眾解釋法律：提醒他們的權利和限制、為不清楚處作澄清、減少困惑、邀請他們就關注之處發聲並指出謬誤，並真誠地解決這些問題，再代表他們強而有力地向政府提出。而當他們的需求不能透過法律表達，則和他們一起尋求其他解決方法。
One of the ways for me to keep in touch with the public was by writing articles to the local press, in plain language accessible to the general reader. For everyone ought to understand the law under which he lives. Throughout those years, and even up to pow, I have never abandoned that exercise. Less frequently, I publish academic articles and contributions to academic forums, particularly on matters in need of law reform.
多年以來至今，我都視在本地報章撰寫文章，以廣大讀者能明白的顯淺文字，為保持與大眾接觸的方法，且不曾停止。因為每個人都應該明自他們生活於何種的法律之下。我亦不時在學術論壇發表學術文章，特別就著需要法律改革的問題上更然。
Your honour, working with the government in LegCo had impressed upon me, that the rule of law is not just about the law, but equally about governance. For laws are made for the "peace, order and good governance of Hong Kong". Laws that protect rights tend to win the people's trust in their government, and trust facilitates good governance. So elected representatives have the duty to speak up to the government of the day: to advise and counsel, to admonish and to warn, constantly: do our laws take rights seriously? The law is not perfect and lawyers know more than anyone else how imperfect the law is. So why should people respect and obey the law? There are, of course, many answers, but the answer I gave myself is this: we can ask people to obey the law if it is the best approximation to justice. Which implies that we are duty bound to listen to criticisms of the law, and make sincere efforts to make the law better, and correct mistakes as much as possible. Justice is the soul of the law without which the rule of law descends to the level of rule by force, even if it is force by majority.
法官閣下，我的職責的重要性是由一位傑出的法官-時任美國最高法院大法官Anthony Kennedy的話奠基的，當時他是應時任終審法院首席法官李國能的邀請來香港，於1999年2月8日向司法機構和法律界發表演說。Kennedy大法官為我們面臨的挑戰以及司法獨立的重要性動容。他指「司法獨立的一個必要條件是，法官擁有司法權、權利和官方權威，決定所有容易受到司法解決的事項，這些是確保自由和人的自由所必需的，如果司法機關在這種程度上沒有司法管轄權，所由大律師和社會的大部分成員必須繼續施加壓力以擴大管轄範圍，這是至關重要的，因為如果大律師和社會對過於狹窄的司法漠不關心，司法機構則有機會事實上或觀感上助紂為虐，協助或鼓勵一個剝奪人身自由的詭計。」
Those were strong words, your honour, but I recognized their authority, and I had ever taken them as marking the ultimate loyalty a barrister owes to judicial independence. Your honour knows that there is no disrespect, to say that the defence of judicial independence is not for the benefit of judges themselves, but so that they can be in a position fearlessly to uphold the rule of law.
雖然措詞強硬，但法官閣下，我認同當中的權威性，且視之為任何一個大律師忠於司法獨立的最高承諾。法官閣下知道，捍衛司法獨立不是為了法官，而是為了容許他們可以無畏無懼、公平公正地捍衛法治這個說法，並沒有絲毫不尊重。
The defence of the rule of law is a two-way street. I believed that the representative of the legal profession in LegCo has a duty also to listen, to consult and explain the law to the community: to alert people to their rights and obligations, to clarify what is obscure, to reduce bewilderment, to invite them to voice their concerns and point out errors, to address those concerns with sincerity, and represent them forcefully to the government; and where their needs cannot be addressed through the law, to work with them towards other solutions.
捍衛法治是一條雙向道。我相信自己作為立法會的法律界代表，有義務聆聽、諮詢並向大眾解釋法律：提醒他們的權利和限制、為不清楚處作澄清、減少困惑、邀請他們就關注之處發聲並指出謬誤，並真誠地解決這些問題，再代表他們強而有力地向政府提出。而當他們的需求不能透過法律表達，則和他們一起尋求其他解決方法。
One of the ways for me to keep in touch with the public was by writing articles to the local press, in plain language accessible to the general reader. For everyone ought to understand the law under which he lives. Throughout those years, and even up to pow, I have never abandoned that exercise. Less frequently, I publish academic articles and contributions to academic forums, particularly on matters in need of law reform.
多年以來至今，我都視在本地報章撰寫文章，以廣大讀者能明白的顯淺文字，為保持與大眾接觸的方法，且不曾停止。因為每個人都應該明自他們生活於何種的法律之下。我亦不時在學術論壇發表學術文章，特別就著需要法律改革的問題上更然。
Your honour, working with the government in LegCo had impressed upon me, that the rule of law is not just about the law, but equally about governance. For laws are made for the "peace, order and good governance of Hong Kong". Laws that protect rights tend to win the people's trust in their government, and trust facilitates good governance. So elected representatives have the duty to speak up to the government of the day: to advise and counsel, to admonish and to warn, constantly: do our laws take rights seriously? The law is not perfect and lawyers know more than anyone else how imperfect the law is. So why should people respect and obey the law? There are, of course, many answers, but the answer I gave myself is this: we can ask people to obey the law if it is the best approximation to justice. Which implies that we are duty bound to listen to criticisms of the law, and make sincere efforts to make the law better, and correct mistakes as much as possible. Justice is the soul of the law without which the rule of law descends to the level of rule by force, even if it is force by majority.
法官閣下，在立法會中和政府的共事令我留下一個深刻的印象——法治不僅與法律有關，而且與治理同樣重要。因法律是為了「香港的和平、秩序及良好管治」而制定，故保護權利的法律往往能為政府贏得人民信任，而信任能有助政府管治。故此當選代表有責任向當今的政府表達意見，包括提供諮詢、建議、告誡和警告：我們的法律有否尊重權利？法律並不完美，而律師比任何人都更清楚知道法律有多不完美。那為何人們要尊重並遵守法律呢？當然可以有許多答案，但是我給予的自答是：如果該法律和公義無限接近，我們可以要求人們服從法律。但這同時意味著我們有責任聆聽對法律的批評，並真誠地作出努力完善法律，並儘可能糾正錯誤。公義是法律的靈魂，沒有公義，就算有多數人支持，法治只會淪為暴政。
In the course of this trial, your honour's attention was drawn to a debate on the POO in LegCo on 21 December 2000. In that debate, I pointed out the defects existing in its provisions. They were defects which had long troubled the legal profession, I warned the government that we must seriously consider reform if we were to avoid the law being disobeyed in desperation. Someone in a panel discussion had raised the issue of civil disobedience and the Secretary for Security had called it a threat. But it need not be taken as a threat, but should act as warning or reminder, I urged the government not to shut out rational discussion for reform, because by its recalcitrance, the government was in danger of creating the very conditions which made civil disobedience inevitable and justifiable: something which none of us wished to see.
我望法官閣下能關注2000年12月21號，立法會就《公安條例》所作的辯論。當時我指出條例中存在許多缺陷。這些缺陷長期以來都困擾著法律界，而我亦警告政府，若要避免法律因人民的絕望而被違反，就必須認真考慮著手改革。委員會上曾有人提出公民抗命，當時保安局局長稱之為一種威脅。 然而它不應被視為威脅，而應作為一種警告或提醒。我敦促政府不要封殺就改革所進行合理的討論，但因為由於其頑固不化，政府創出公民抗命所不可避免和正當的條件——但這非我們中任何一人所望看到的。
Those years in LegCo had repercussions for me for life because, your honour, defending the rule of law means we ourselves must take rights seriously, and that is a lifelong endeavor.
擔任立法會議員工作的日子影響我一生，因為捍衛法治意味著我們需要更認真看待我們的權利，而這是窮其一生的責任。
There is no right so precious to the people of Hong Kong as the freedom of expression and the freedom of peaceful assembly. Not only is the freedom to speak the truth the core of human dignity, it is also the last safety valve in a democratic society, as remarked by our illustrious judges repeatedly. Respecting those rights is also part and parcel of defending the rule of law.
對香港人來說，沒有權利比言論自由和集會自由珍貴。言論自由不僅是人類尊嚴的核心，同時為民主社會的最後一道安全閥門，正如我們的一些優秀法官多次重申，尊重這些權利是捍衛法治的一部份。
I had learned that the rule of law not only has to be defended in court, or in LegCo, but also in the streets and in the community. Your honour, I had spoken countless times in LegCo. But I also realize that it is not good enough for me to make speeches in beautiful words and measured dignity in the precincts of the Legislative Council, shielded by the privilege of absolute freedom of speech and debate, and immunity from legal action. When the people, in the last resort, had to give collective expression to their anguish and urge the government to respond, protected only by their expectation that the government will respect their rights, I must be prepared to stand with them, stand by them and stand up for them. Otherwise, all my pledges and promises would be just empty words.
我被教曉法治不僅要在法庭內、或立法會捍衛法治，同時要在街道上及社會上捍衛。法官閣下，我在立法會發言過無數次，但我發現在絕對的言論和辯論自由，以及免於法律訴訟的特權保護罩下，在立法會範圍內以優美之言詞和端莊尊嚴作出演講是絕不足夠的。 當人民去到最後關頭，只憑著政府會尊重他們的權利作保護，要以集體的方式表達自己的憤怒並敦促政府回應，我不得不裝備自己與他們站在一起，站於一起，並為他們站出來。否則我所作過的承諾都只會淪為空談。
Your honour, the Hong Kong people is a peace-loving and well-disciplined people. Their resolute self-restraint even in highly emotional situations has been proved time and again. In the critical hours of the handover between 30 June and I July 1997, the great event passed without a hitch. In the march of half a million on 1 July 2003, not a single pane of glass was broken, Even in 2019, when over I million marched on 9 June, and over 2 million marched on 16 June. The pence and good order of the massive crowds astonished and won the admiration of the world.
法官閣下，香港人是一群愛好和平和自律的人民。他們已多次證明即使在氣氛緊張的場合，仍能保持高度克制。香港主權交接的緊要時刻時一切順利；2003年50萬人上街，街上一塊玻璃也沒破碎；甚至在2019年，當6月9日100萬人上街、之後200萬人走上街頭，大眾的和平及良好秩序都震驚全球，並換來世界的欽佩。
In the course of this trial, your honour's attention was drawn to a debate on the POO in LegCo on 21 December 2000. In that debate, I pointed out the defects existing in its provisions. They were defects which had long troubled the legal profession, I warned the government that we must seriously consider reform if we were to avoid the law being disobeyed in desperation. Someone in a panel discussion had raised the issue of civil disobedience and the Secretary for Security had called it a threat. But it need not be taken as a threat, but should act as warning or reminder, I urged the government not to shut out rational discussion for reform, because by its recalcitrance, the government was in danger of creating the very conditions which made civil disobedience inevitable and justifiable: something which none of us wished to see.
我望法官閣下能關注2000年12月21號，立法會就《公安條例》所作的辯論。當時我指出條例中存在許多缺陷。這些缺陷長期以來都困擾著法律界，而我亦警告政府，若要避免法律因人民的絕望而被違反，就必須認真考慮著手改革。委員會上曾有人提出公民抗命，當時保安局局長稱之為一種威脅。 然而它不應被視為威脅，而應作為一種警告或提醒。我敦促政府不要封殺就改革所進行合理的討論，但因為由於其頑固不化，政府創出公民抗命所不可避免和正當的條件——但這非我們中任何一人所望看到的。
Those years in LegCo had repercussions for me for life because, your honour, defending the rule of law means we ourselves must take rights seriously, and that is a lifelong endeavor.
擔任立法會議員工作的日子影響我一生，因為捍衛法治意味著我們需要更認真看待我們的權利，而這是窮其一生的責任。
There is no right so precious to the people of Hong Kong as the freedom of expression and the freedom of peaceful assembly. Not only is the freedom to speak the truth the core of human dignity, it is also the last safety valve in a democratic society, as remarked by our illustrious judges repeatedly. Respecting those rights is also part and parcel of defending the rule of law.
對香港人來說，沒有權利比言論自由和集會自由珍貴。言論自由不僅是人類尊嚴的核心，同時為民主社會的最後一道安全閥門，正如我們的一些優秀法官多次重申，尊重這些權利是捍衛法治的一部份。
I had learned that the rule of law not only has to be defended in court, or in LegCo, but also in the streets and in the community. Your honour, I had spoken countless times in LegCo. But I also realize that it is not good enough for me to make speeches in beautiful words and measured dignity in the precincts of the Legislative Council, shielded by the privilege of absolute freedom of speech and debate, and immunity from legal action. When the people, in the last resort, had to give collective expression to their anguish and urge the government to respond, protected only by their expectation that the government will respect their rights, I must be prepared to stand with them, stand by them and stand up for them. Otherwise, all my pledges and promises would be just empty words.
我被教曉法治不僅要在法庭內、或立法會捍衛法治，同時要在街道上及社會上捍衛。法官閣下，我在立法會發言過無數次，但我發現在絕對的言論和辯論自由，以及免於法律訴訟的特權保護罩下，在立法會範圍內以優美之言詞和端莊尊嚴作出演講是絕不足夠的。 當人民去到最後關頭，只憑著政府會尊重他們的權利作保護，要以集體的方式表達自己的憤怒並敦促政府回應，我不得不裝備自己與他們站在一起，站於一起，並為他們站出來。否則我所作過的承諾都只會淪為空談。
Your honour, the Hong Kong people is a peace-loving and well-disciplined people. Their resolute self-restraint even in highly emotional situations has been proved time and again. In the critical hours of the handover between 30 June and I July 1997, the great event passed without a hitch. In the march of half a million on 1 July 2003, not a single pane of glass was broken, Even in 2019, when over I million marched on 9 June, and over 2 million marched on 16 June. The pence and good order of the massive crowds astonished and won the admiration of the world.
法官閣下，香港人是一群愛好和平和自律的人民。他們已多次證明即使在氣氛緊張的場合，仍能保持高度克制。香港主權交接的緊要時刻時一切順利；2003年50萬人上街，街上一塊玻璃也沒破碎；甚至在2019年，當6月9日100萬人上街、之後200萬人走上街頭，大眾的和平及良好秩序都震驚全球，並換來世界的欽佩。
And in the incident of the present trial, this was demonstrated again. By the estimation of the organizers, over 1.7 million participated in the day's event. But whatever the exact figure, the huge and dense crowds in and around the venue, the resolute patience with which the crowds waited in the pouring rain, were captured in undisputed footages preserved for all posterity. The number and the perseverance spoke volumes for the intensity of the feelings in the community, and yet the self-restraint was for all to see. It is not disputed even by the prosecution that the event was entirely peaceful and orderly, without any untoward event. The crowd had kept faith with the organizers who enjoined them to be "peaceful, rational and non-violent". At such times we cannot be seen to abandon the people but must stand side by side with them, in the hope that peace may prevail.
而這種情況在是次審訊的事件中再次被證明。 據主辨者估算，當日超過170萬人參加活動。 無論實際數字多寡，傾盆大雨中，在維園內外以堅韌耐心等待的巨大而密集的人群，都毫無爭議地被保留在傳世的鏡頭中。人數和忍耐代表了社會情緒的高漲，但人民的自我約束亦是眾所皆知的。 是案中控方亦沒有爭議，該事件是完全和平有序的，沒有任何不幸的事情發生。 參與群眾與主辦方都保持著「和平、理性、非暴力」的信念。故至此我們不能被視為拋棄人民，反而必須與人民並肩站在一起，希望和平能夠戰勝一切。
The positive effect of the peacefulness of that demonstration was acknowledged by the CE, Mrs Carrie Lam 2 days later, remarking that it would facilitate dialogue between government and the public. In the event, the dialogue on that occasion did not continue for long, but it was a step in the right direction. I believe we should nurture hope, and continue, as Justice Kennedy urged upon the legal profession gathered together in that distinguished company: You must speak reason to your litigants. You must speak justice to society. You must speak truth to power.
林鄭月娥在2日後便表示，是次示威的和平有序能促進人民和政府的對話，變相承認此和平有序之示威的正面效應。雖然該對話未有持續太長，但始終是朝正確的方向的一步。正如大法官Kennedy向一群法律專才所作的呼籲：「必須向訴訟人說理由、必須向社會說公義、必須向權力說真相」，我認為我們需要繼續培育希望。
Your honour, I came late to the law, I have grown old in the service of the rule of law, I understand Sir Thomas More is the patron saint of the legal profession, He was tried for treason because he would not bend the law to the King's will. His famous last words were well authenticated. I beg to slightly adapt and adopt them: I stand the law's good servant but the people's first. For the law must serve the people, not the people the law.
法官閣下，雖然我的法律生涯較遲開始，但我是在獻身法律之下成長至老的，亦明白到 Sir Thomas More 之所以被譽為法律聖徒的原因；他不願意為皇帝屈曲法律，因此被判叛國。他的終言有多人印證過；我亦希望自己微略修改之下，能夠以此為格言：我是法律的僕人，但首先是人們的僕人；因為法律侍奉人民，而非人民侍奉法律。
Your honour, please permit me to thank my counsel. Their tireless dedication and excellence have made me proud to be a member of the bar.
This is my statement. Thank you, your honour.
法官閣下，請容許我感謝我的代表大律師。他們孜孜不倦的奉獻令同樣作為大律師的我感到自豪。
以上是我的陳詞，有勞法官閣下。
Dated the 16th Day of April, 2021
2021年4月16日。
文/Mc, N
特別感謝 中大法律國安法關注組 CUHK Law NSL Concern Group
#DBC #DBChannel #加山傳播 #香港 #法庭 #抗爭
而這種情況在是次審訊的事件中再次被證明。 據主辨者估算，當日超過170萬人參加活動。 無論實際數字多寡，傾盆大雨中，在維園內外以堅韌耐心等待的巨大而密集的人群，都毫無爭議地被保留在傳世的鏡頭中。人數和忍耐代表了社會情緒的高漲，但人民的自我約束亦是眾所皆知的。 是案中控方亦沒有爭議，該事件是完全和平有序的，沒有任何不幸的事情發生。 參與群眾與主辦方都保持著「和平、理性、非暴力」的信念。故至此我們不能被視為拋棄人民，反而必須與人民並肩站在一起，希望和平能夠戰勝一切。
The positive effect of the peacefulness of that demonstration was acknowledged by the CE, Mrs Carrie Lam 2 days later, remarking that it would facilitate dialogue between government and the public. In the event, the dialogue on that occasion did not continue for long, but it was a step in the right direction. I believe we should nurture hope, and continue, as Justice Kennedy urged upon the legal profession gathered together in that distinguished company: You must speak reason to your litigants. You must speak justice to society. You must speak truth to power.
林鄭月娥在2日後便表示，是次示威的和平有序能促進人民和政府的對話，變相承認此和平有序之示威的正面效應。雖然該對話未有持續太長，但始終是朝正確的方向的一步。正如大法官Kennedy向一群法律專才所作的呼籲：「必須向訴訟人說理由、必須向社會說公義、必須向權力說真相」，我認為我們需要繼續培育希望。
Your honour, I came late to the law, I have grown old in the service of the rule of law, I understand Sir Thomas More is the patron saint of the legal profession, He was tried for treason because he would not bend the law to the King's will. His famous last words were well authenticated. I beg to slightly adapt and adopt them: I stand the law's good servant but the people's first. For the law must serve the people, not the people the law.
法官閣下，雖然我的法律生涯較遲開始，但我是在獻身法律之下成長至老的，亦明白到 Sir Thomas More 之所以被譽為法律聖徒的原因；他不願意為皇帝屈曲法律，因此被判叛國。他的終言有多人印證過；我亦希望自己微略修改之下，能夠以此為格言：我是法律的僕人，但首先是人們的僕人；因為法律侍奉人民，而非人民侍奉法律。
Your honour, please permit me to thank my counsel. Their tireless dedication and excellence have made me proud to be a member of the bar.
This is my statement. Thank you, your honour.
法官閣下，請容許我感謝我的代表大律師。他們孜孜不倦的奉獻令同樣作為大律師的我感到自豪。
以上是我的陳詞，有勞法官閣下。
Dated the 16th Day of April, 2021
2021年4月16日。
文/Mc, N
特別感謝 中大法律國安法關注組 CUHK Law NSL Concern Group
#DBC #DBChannel #加山傳播 #香港 #法庭 #抗爭
夫子傳來「怒詩」一首：
我這首詩名為「怒詩」。寫時心潮激宕，熱涙交煎！詩中各人都是我的朋友，不用藏頭露尾，大名永誌豐碑！為香港人打氣，請廣傳！💪
我這首詩名為「怒詩」。寫時心潮激宕，熱涙交煎！詩中各人都是我的朋友，不用藏頭露尾，大名永誌豐碑！為香港人打氣，請廣傳！💪
的確如此！祝好人平安🙏
【8.18 案】彭定康：為每位被告難過 斥中共復仇心作祟 質疑法官不理解和平集會權利
https://bit.ly/3wWd66h
2019 年的 8.18 維園集會案，9 人早前被裁定組織及參與未經批准集結兩罪罪成，今日（16 日）在西九龍裁判法院判刑。黎智英、李柱銘、吳靄儀、李卓人等 9 人，最終被判囚 8 至 18 個月不等，僅 4 人獲准緩刑，其餘被告須即時監禁。
末代港督彭定康今晚接受《立場新聞》專訪時，形容事件令人髮指。他認為，中共是被揮之不去的復仇心驅使，又質疑法官有否讀過《公民權利及政治權利國際公約》，該公約明言民眾有和平集會的自由。今次被判罪成的人士中，許多人在主權移交前，都曾與任港督的彭定康「交過手」，彭定康自言，與他們每一個都有交情，讚揚他們多年為人權奮鬥，同時「為他們受到這樣的對待，深刻地感到難過。」
資料/圖片來源： Stand News 立場新聞
【8.18 案】彭定康：為每位被告難過 斥中共復仇心作祟 質疑法官不理解和平集會權利
https://bit.ly/3wWd66h
2019 年的 8.18 維園集會案，9 人早前被裁定組織及參與未經批准集結兩罪罪成，今日（16 日）在西九龍裁判法院判刑。黎智英、李柱銘、吳靄儀、李卓人等 9 人，最終被判囚 8 至 18 個月不等，僅 4 人獲准緩刑，其餘被告須即時監禁。
末代港督彭定康今晚接受《立場新聞》專訪時，形容事件令人髮指。他認為，中共是被揮之不去的復仇心驅使，又質疑法官有否讀過《公民權利及政治權利國際公約》，該公約明言民眾有和平集會的自由。今次被判罪成的人士中，許多人在主權移交前，都曾與任港督的彭定康「交過手」，彭定康自言，與他們每一個都有交情，讚揚他們多年為人權奮鬥，同時「為他們受到這樣的對待，深刻地感到難過。」
資料/圖片來源： Stand News 立場新聞
立場新聞 Stand News
【8.18 案】彭定康：為每位被告難過 斥中共復仇心作祟 質疑法官不理解和平集會權利 | 立場報道 | 立場新聞
2019 年的 8.18 維園集會案，9 人早前被裁定組織及參與未經批准集結兩罪罪成，今日（1...
香港人不放棄，繼續做義之當為的事，香港就有希望！共勉之。
周保松
4月16日
我的城市一直在下雨。
我的前輩、我的朋友、我的學生一個接著一個失去自由。
探監成了日常。
站在講堂，愈來愈難說出鼓勵人的話。
常常要深呼吸，才能把話說下去。
悲傷，不知不覺，成了生活的底色。
可是即使如此艱難，還是有那麼多朋友，認識和不認識的香港人，一直在相濡以沬，不離不棄。
黎智英先生、李柱銘先生、吳靄儀女士、李卓人先生、梁國雄先生、何俊仁先生、楊森先生、何秀蘭女士、區諾軒先生、梁耀忠先生，你們是代我們受苦。
謝謝你們。
（相片：端傳媒。2019.8.18，香港）
周保松
4月16日
我的城市一直在下雨。
我的前輩、我的朋友、我的學生一個接著一個失去自由。
探監成了日常。
站在講堂，愈來愈難說出鼓勵人的話。
常常要深呼吸，才能把話說下去。
悲傷，不知不覺，成了生活的底色。
可是即使如此艱難，還是有那麼多朋友，認識和不認識的香港人，一直在相濡以沬，不離不棄。
黎智英先生、李柱銘先生、吳靄儀女士、李卓人先生、梁國雄先生、何俊仁先生、楊森先生、何秀蘭女士、區諾軒先生、梁耀忠先生，你們是代我們受苦。
謝謝你們。
（相片：端傳媒。2019.8.18，香港）
Figo Chan 陳皓桓
代表民陣、參與818流水式集會既170萬人
感謝前輩們既付出
雖然未能同行
但呢個判刑係包括民陣同各位
圖：香港蘋果日報
代表民陣、參與818流水式集會既170萬人
感謝前輩們既付出
雖然未能同行
但呢個判刑係包括民陣同各位
圖：香港蘋果日報
Fernando Chiu-hung Cheung 張超雄
//8.18及8.31非法集結案中，李柱銘與吳靄儀等多名泛民元老以及壹傳媒創辦人黎智英，分別被判囚及緩刑。港大法律學院首席講師張達明出席商台節目，就兩宗案件表達意見，他指控罪涉及未經批准集結，惟法官卻以非法集結的原則作判決，或會成為上訴時最重要的法律爭拗。他又認為，8.18及8.31均屬典型「和理非」集會，而參考歐洲人權法院及以往終審法院的判決，大多不會判處即時監禁，和平集會即使違規仍受憲法保障，否則將等於不鼓勵「和理非」行動。//
//8.18及8.31非法集結案中，李柱銘與吳靄儀等多名泛民元老以及壹傳媒創辦人黎智英，分別被判囚及緩刑。港大法律學院首席講師張達明出席商台節目，就兩宗案件表達意見，他指控罪涉及未經批准集結，惟法官卻以非法集結的原則作判決，或會成為上訴時最重要的法律爭拗。他又認為，8.18及8.31均屬典型「和理非」集會，而參考歐洲人權法院及以往終審法院的判決，大多不會判處即時監禁，和平集會即使違規仍受憲法保障，否則將等於不鼓勵「和理非」行動。//
醫護移民｜公院中層專科醫生現移民潮 「最穩定嘅人都走反映不安」
公共醫療醫生協會會長馬仲儀表示，過去半年自己朋友圈中，有4至5名中層專科醫生已經辭職，有人已離港，有人將於短期內出走；未辭職而加快送子女到外國升學的，更是不計其數。她慨嘆，以往通常是剛畢業而嚮往外國生活的年輕醫生，或退休醫生才選擇移民；在醫管局工作了十多年的中層專科醫生，一向很少會辭職移民，因要放棄穩定事業及收入，如到英國執業隨時要從較低級職位做起，薪酬或較在港少一半，「依家連最穩定嘅人都開始走，反映社會不安嘅現象。」
政府開始在不同界別展開肅清行動，教師及社工首當其衝；去年初疫情爆發時發動罷工的醫護界，暫未被秋後算賬。醫管局主席范鴻齡早前指，他個人認為前線醫護未必需要宣誓，似令醫護鬆一口氣。但馬仲儀認為，去年中政府落實《國安法》後，社會形勢越趨惡劣，「我哋由港英教育培養出嚟嘅一代，核心價值同依家唔一樣。」《國安法》實施後有教師被指宣揚港獨訊息被釘牌、通識科被殺科、大學工程撥款被抽起，及有建制派議員提倡在學校教室安裝閉路電視等，也令為人父母的醫生深感不安。
事實上抗疫期間政府容不下醫護專業的言論，特首林鄭月娥曾批評有「所謂專家、醫生」不斷抹黑全民普檢，早前又譴責有醫護污衊國產疫苗。馬仲儀直言，過去一、兩年醫護界別受到另一陣營攻擊，工作難免受影響，也加速同事出走的決定。
醫生流失，醫管局服務會否受影響？馬仲儀表示，目前離職的醫生不多，而且「醫管局嘅人手編制同服務水平好彈性，政府成日話缺少600個醫生都維持到」，故整體服務不受影響；不過有10多年經驗的專科醫生流失，「仔細去睇質素一定有影響。」
公共醫療醫生協會會長馬仲儀表示，過去半年自己朋友圈中，有4至5名中層專科醫生已經辭職，有人已離港，有人將於短期內出走；未辭職而加快送子女到外國升學的，更是不計其數。她慨嘆，以往通常是剛畢業而嚮往外國生活的年輕醫生，或退休醫生才選擇移民；在醫管局工作了十多年的中層專科醫生，一向很少會辭職移民，因要放棄穩定事業及收入，如到英國執業隨時要從較低級職位做起，薪酬或較在港少一半，「依家連最穩定嘅人都開始走，反映社會不安嘅現象。」
政府開始在不同界別展開肅清行動，教師及社工首當其衝；去年初疫情爆發時發動罷工的醫護界，暫未被秋後算賬。醫管局主席范鴻齡早前指，他個人認為前線醫護未必需要宣誓，似令醫護鬆一口氣。但馬仲儀認為，去年中政府落實《國安法》後，社會形勢越趨惡劣，「我哋由港英教育培養出嚟嘅一代，核心價值同依家唔一樣。」《國安法》實施後有教師被指宣揚港獨訊息被釘牌、通識科被殺科、大學工程撥款被抽起，及有建制派議員提倡在學校教室安裝閉路電視等，也令為人父母的醫生深感不安。
事實上抗疫期間政府容不下醫護專業的言論，特首林鄭月娥曾批評有「所謂專家、醫生」不斷抹黑全民普檢，早前又譴責有醫護污衊國產疫苗。馬仲儀直言，過去一、兩年醫護界別受到另一陣營攻擊，工作難免受影響，也加速同事出走的決定。
醫生流失，醫管局服務會否受影響？馬仲儀表示，目前離職的醫生不多，而且「醫管局嘅人手編制同服務水平好彈性，政府成日話缺少600個醫生都維持到」，故整體服務不受影響；不過有10多年經驗的專科醫生流失，「仔細去睇質素一定有影響。」
Alan Leong Kah-Kit 梁家傑
//鍾劍華：應關注退黨成員及支持者去向
近日多個組織面對成員退出，四名涉民主派初選47人案的公民黨前成員更撰信呼籲解散公民黨。香港民意研究所副行政總裁鍾劍華指，政黨或組織的作用是將不同議題凝聚在主流意識形態，但《國安法》有震懾效果，沖散公民社會，令政黨無法凝聚市民，處理社會紛爭。但他認為，民主派政黨得分雖有下跌，普遍仍比建制政黨得分高，故日後值得關注被打散的政黨成員和支持者的去向：「佢哋唔會唔見咗。」//
//鍾劍華：應關注退黨成員及支持者去向
近日多個組織面對成員退出，四名涉民主派初選47人案的公民黨前成員更撰信呼籲解散公民黨。香港民意研究所副行政總裁鍾劍華指，政黨或組織的作用是將不同議題凝聚在主流意識形態，但《國安法》有震懾效果，沖散公民社會，令政黨無法凝聚市民，處理社會紛爭。但他認為，民主派政黨得分雖有下跌，普遍仍比建制政黨得分高，故日後值得關注被打散的政黨成員和支持者的去向：「佢哋唔會唔見咗。」//
Ys Lau (夫子)
感謝余若薇女士揮毫留存墨寶（圖），把我的《怒詩》(暫名)化為翰墨。她還說將把此詩的墨迹，送予獄中在囚諸君，彼此勉力同行！可謂毫端振志，翰墨勝因！
其實，我不愛舞文弄墨，無病呻吟，但時至今日，我不想空抱餘情萎秋草，只有力爭殘喘在筆間。為家為國，為人為己，世上一息尚存，你我不容稍懈！
後來，我又寫了一首未名詩，朋友們也提出很多建議。有人建議叫《哀詩》、《怨詩》、《憤詩》、《痛詩》……因為他們想到詩中人的命運，感到悲從中來──本有大好前程，朝氣沖天，俱懷逸興壯思飛，奔騰如浩瀚長江；奈何命途多舛，時不與我，走入跌宕人生，遭逢橫逆。創新思維和一腔熱血，化作碑上墓誌銘(音「明」）。
不過，又有朋友認為要積極樂觀，叫它《盼詩》、《奮詩》、《希望詩》……這也合乎我的性格，日省吾身，常懷希望；誓讓明珠再發亮，不怨白璧有微瑕。我經常說，只要自己不浪費自己，這個世界上就沒有人能浪費你！
但我至今仍拿不定主意，那就請各位為我動動腦筋吧。有勞了！在這裏順便一提，有朋友替我思索詩名之時，擔心這詩可能引起敏感反應，煽起不安。我想，不會吧！因為此乃咏史之詩，詩中寫的明明是康有為、梁啟超「戊戌維新」之後的落拓之情，怎會違反今天的法律呢？
感謝余若薇女士揮毫留存墨寶（圖），把我的《怒詩》(暫名)化為翰墨。她還說將把此詩的墨迹，送予獄中在囚諸君，彼此勉力同行！可謂毫端振志，翰墨勝因！
其實，我不愛舞文弄墨，無病呻吟，但時至今日，我不想空抱餘情萎秋草，只有力爭殘喘在筆間。為家為國，為人為己，世上一息尚存，你我不容稍懈！
後來，我又寫了一首未名詩，朋友們也提出很多建議。有人建議叫《哀詩》、《怨詩》、《憤詩》、《痛詩》……因為他們想到詩中人的命運，感到悲從中來──本有大好前程，朝氣沖天，俱懷逸興壯思飛，奔騰如浩瀚長江；奈何命途多舛，時不與我，走入跌宕人生，遭逢橫逆。創新思維和一腔熱血，化作碑上墓誌銘(音「明」）。
不過，又有朋友認為要積極樂觀，叫它《盼詩》、《奮詩》、《希望詩》……這也合乎我的性格，日省吾身，常懷希望；誓讓明珠再發亮，不怨白璧有微瑕。我經常說，只要自己不浪費自己，這個世界上就沒有人能浪費你！
但我至今仍拿不定主意，那就請各位為我動動腦筋吧。有勞了！在這裏順便一提，有朋友替我思索詩名之時，擔心這詩可能引起敏感反應，煽起不安。我想，不會吧！因為此乃咏史之詩，詩中寫的明明是康有為、梁啟超「戊戌維新」之後的落拓之情，怎會違反今天的法律呢？