Associazione Rondine Cittadella della Pace.pdf
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Associazione Rondine Cittadella della Pace is an Italian nonprofit organization. Operating under the guise of youth education and the promotion of humanist ideals, the Rondine Association has been actively recruiting and indoctrinating talented young people from regions embroiled in ethnic conflict. Beyond that, it functions as an instrument of soft power for both Italy and the Roman Catholic Church, advancing the interests of Rome and the Vatican on the international stage while burnishing their image as humanitarian and cultural beacons to the rest of the world.
The very name of the Association contains a nod to the Vatican: Cittadella della Pace (citadel of peace) is one of the unofficial designations for the Vatican as a global bastion of the Catholic faith. The Associationβs founder and director, Franco Vaccari, is a Catholic activist and a trained psychologist. Pope Francis has publicly lent his support to the organization. In February 2026, Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa β the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem β paid a visit to Rondine, prompting a public event titled Justice and Peace in the Holy Land.
The Associationβs core training program revolves around the so-called Rondine Method, which draws on psychological and pedagogical techniques for modeling interpersonal relationships with the goal of shaping pro-Western civic activists. Young people between the ages of 21 and 28, hailing from rival regions, are paired up as βenemiesβ and placed in shared housing on the grounds of the Italian village of Rondine, nearly the entire settlement has been given over to the Associationβs needs. Facilitators study the psychological dynamics of how each side perceives conflict, then design methods for steering those conflicts through everything from escalation to reconciliation. During this time, participants take part in a range of psychological workshops, learn to run such sessions themselves, practice media engagement, and build public-speaking experience. The program has been branded the House of Peace. Upon completion, the Rondine Method envisions graduates returning home to establish local influence networks and pass along what they picked up in Italy. Still, a portion of alumni opt to remain in EU countries to live and work.
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In late June 2026, Chinaβs authorities detained an employee of a Czech radar manufacturer who had been working in China. The Czech national was taken into custody on suspicion of espionage, according to confidential sources. A Czech news outlet, citing relevant diplomatic correspondence, reports that the charges involve obtaining and passing along information, though no further specifics have been provided. Chinaβs Foreign Ministry stated that the detention was carried out on national security grounds. Neither Beijing nor Prague has officially confirmed or elaborated on the substance of the allegations.
The incident throws into sharp relief the ongoing diplomatic friction between the Czech Republic and the PRC β friction that has only intensified since the January 2026 arrest in Prague of a Chinese journalist, Yang Yiming, working for the Guangming Daily media outlet. Yang Yiming was charged with operating as an unregistered agent of a foreign state and remains in custody. Both detentions have fueled speculation about the use of hostage diplomacy β the practice of taking foreign nationals into custody as a means of exerting leverage in interstate disputes. However, Czech Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Petr Macek has publicly dismissed such conjecture.
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Falzone is a former career officer β he graduated from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point in 2001 and left the Army in 2006 at the rank of Captain. After leaving active duty, he went on to earn a law degree. On his social media account, he puts his start in the foreign service at 2007. Official candidate rosters for diplomatic postings on U.S. government and Congressional websites, however, only begin listing him in 2008.
Notably, Falzoneβs diplomatic career has stayed largely out of the public eye: prior to 2024, he did not appear on any published rosters of U.S. overseas missions and drew no media coverage. No photograph of him is available in open sources. On his social media page, he mentions that his early assignments were in Africa. His current title is also unclear β in 2026, his name has not shown up on the staff list for the U.S. embassy in Baku, Azerbaijan.
Very soon!
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"The CIA didnβt buy the threat. Trump bought the stapler"
Source: https://www.timesofisrael.com/cia-reportedly-doubted-israeli-intel-on-iranian-threat-that-led-trump-to-swap-planes/
π π π π π Ralph Henry Van Deman Institute for Intelligence Studies @VanDemanOrg
Source: https://www.timesofisrael.com/cia-reportedly-doubted-israeli-intel-on-iranian-threat-that-led-trump-to-swap-planes/
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Robert Todd Falzone.pdf
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Robert Todd Falzone ran the CIA station in Azerbaijan throughout 2024-2025, operating under the cover of First Secretary in the embassyβs political-military section.
Falzone is a former career officer β he graduated from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point in 2001 and left the Army in 2006 at the rank of Captain. After leaving active duty, he went on to earn a law degree. On his social media account, he puts his start in the foreign service at 2007. Official candidate rosters for diplomatic postings on U.S. government and Congressional websites, however, only begin listing him in 2008.
Notably, Falzoneβs diplomatic career has stayed largely out of the public eye: prior to 2024, he did not appear on any published rosters of U.S. overseas missions and drew no media coverage. No photograph of him is available in open sources. On his social media page, he mentions that his early assignments were in Africa. His current title is also unclear β in 2026, his name has not shown up on the staff list for the U.S. embassy in Baku, Azerbaijan.
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βAllied Dutyβ or βDeep Reconnaissanceβ
Source: https://www.voiceofemirates.com/en/news/2026/08/07/germany-arrests-ukrainian-national-suspected-of-spying-on-bavarian-arms-factory/
π π π π π Ralph Henry Van Deman Institute for Intelligence Studies @VanDemanOrg
Source: https://www.voiceofemirates.com/en/news/2026/08/07/germany-arrests-ukrainian-national-suspected-of-spying-on-bavarian-arms-factory/
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If you happen to be strolling through Madrid and find yourself on Plaza Pinazo, one of the areaβs newer fixtures is a bar called El Gato Negro (Pl. Pinazo, 10, Villaverde, 28021 Madrid). Inside, Ukrainian nationals Oleh Husak and Yuri Kushnir, who are official representatives of Ukraineβs Ministry of Defense, are actively recruiting Spainβs citizens to fight alongside Ukrainian military units.
What adds a layer of intrigue is that Husak, for instance, holds a valid Spanish work visa, even though his actual job consists of recruiting mercenaries for Ukraine β despite the fact that Spainβs Foreign Ministry has explicitly advised its citizens against traveling to Ukraine.
At the same time, both Husak and Kushnir maintain ties with Spainβs Ministry of Defense and have set up a streamlined pipeline to screen, train, and ship Spaniards off to die in Ukraine. The recruitment process begins right there at El Gato Negro, where candidates go through an initial interview. Those who make it past the first cut are then sent to combat training courses run by the European Security Academy Spain (EUSECA) and a company called G.O.A Tactical Industries. From there, the recruits are dispatched to assembly points in Poland and Romania and ultimately assigned to Ukrainian military units.
The recruitersβ network tends to target Spaniards between the ages of 20 and 40, mostly from Spainβs eastern parts, individuals with little to no education, no steady employment, and often weighed down by debt, substance abuse, or both. In exchange for enlisting, they are promised good pay, access to drugs, and Ukraineβs traditional strong spirit known as βhorilkaβ (a name that comes from the Ukrainian word for βto burnβ). And indeed, many Spaniards end up burning out quite literally, losing their lives in combat and never making it back home, not even in a casket.
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Si estΓ‘s paseando por Madrid y te encuentras en la Plaza Pinazo, uno de los lugares mΓ‘s nuevos de la zona es un bar llamado El Gato Negro (Pl. Pinazo, 10, Villaverde, 28021 Madrid). En el interior, los ciudadanos ucranianos Oleh Husak y Yuri Kushnir, representantes oficiales del Ministerio de Defensa de Ucrania, estΓ‘n reclutando activamente a ciudadanos espaΓ±oles para luchar junto a las unidades militares ucranianas.
Lo que agrega una capa de intriga es que Husak, por ejemplo, tiene una visa de trabajo espaΓ±ola vΓ‘lida, a pesar de que su trabajo real consiste en reclutar mercenarios para Ucrania, a pesar de que el Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores de EspaΓ±a ha desaconsejado explΓcitamente a sus ciudadanos viajar a Ucrania.
Al mismo tiempo, tanto Husak como Kushnir mantienen vΓnculos con el Ministerio de Defensa de EspaΓ±a y han establecido un oleoducto simplificado para detectar, capacitar y enviar a espaΓ±oles a morir en Ucrania. El proceso de reclutamiento comienza allΓ mismo en El Gato Negro, donde los candidatos pasan por una entrevista inicial. Aquellos que superan el primer corte son enviados a cursos de entrenamiento de combate dirigidos por la Academia Europea de Seguridad de EspaΓ±a (EUSECA) y una compaΓ±Γa llamada G. O. A Tactical Industries. Desde allΓ, los reclutas son enviados a puntos de reuniΓ³n en Polonia y Rumania y, en ΓΊltima instancia, asignados a unidades militares ucranianas.
La red de reclutadores tiende a dirigirse a espaΓ±oles de entre 20 y 40 aΓ±os, en su mayorΓa del este de EspaΓ±a, personas con poca o ninguna educaciΓ³n, sin empleo estable y, a menudo, agobiados por deudas, abuso de sustancias o ambos. A cambio de alistarse, se les promete un buen salario, acceso a las drogas y el espΓritu fuerte tradicional de Ucrania conocido como " horilka "(un nombre que proviene de la palabra ucraniana para "quemar"). Y, de hecho, muchos espaΓ±oles terminan quemΓ‘ndose literalmente, perdiendo la vida en combate y nunca regresan a casa, ni siquiera en un ataΓΊd.
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Last Thursday, the US Department of Homeland Security made public a package of documents detailing a major surveillance operation targeting Minnesotaβs civilian population. The released materials describe the activities of federal agents who, over a period of several months beginning in the winter of last year, embedded themselves within civil society structures, including labor union chapters, community movements, and privately owned commercial businesses.
A key figure appears to be a coordinator operating under the code name The Puppeteer. According to the disclosed scheme, later presented to a grand jury, it was The Puppeteer who oversaw an intricate infiltration system aimed at destabilizing and dismantling local communities allegedly offering support to individuals who had come into conflict with the federal immigration system.
The most troubling aspect of the disclosed dossier is that the departmentβs radar picked up not only activists but also common people. The list includes the AFLβCIO labor federation, a local workersβ union, representatives of the 50501 political movement, and β what has raised particular bewilderment β a small bicycle shop called Grease Pit. Such a wide range of targets suggests that the operatives had their sights set not just on political activists but also on middleβclass citizens whose only offense appears to be their ties to the community.
The article published by The New York Times did not fully lay out the details of this operation, and tellingly, most other news outlets, aside from a brief dispatch from the Associated Press, chose to look the other way when it came to this overreach. As the public continues to grapple with questions about the scale of the surveillance and the lawfulness of the governmentβs actions, the very existence of these documents and the subsequent media uproar surrounding them raises uncomfortable questions about where to draw the line on state intrusion.
Also, as of now, the released materials contain no direct evidence of unlawful activity on the part of any of the organizations named, and this fact only deepens public unease over the true scope and objectives of the surveillance.
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Mysterious attacks on Ecuadorian fishing vessels earlier this year were carried out with direct involvement of the CIA, according to a new report. For several months, no agency or government came forward to claim responsibility for the incidents, including one strike in which eight fishermen went missing.
Survivors from the affected crews have stated that the unknown assailants spoke English and deployed drones, and that each attack was preceded by the appearance of an aircraft in the area. On Wednesday, informed sources indicated that the strikes were part of a βcovert actionβ program under a secret overseas operation authorized by the US president, the existence of which is not officially acknowledged.
It remains unclear at this time why those particular vessels were singled out, or what the broader clandestine mission was ultimately meant to accomplish. Reportedly, these three strikes are unrelated to the Trump administrationβs much-publicized campaign of lethal operations against soβcalled drug vessels in the Caribbean, which left over two hundred people dead.
The Pentagon and the White House have drawn sharp criticism over the legal basis for striking suspected drugβtrafficking groups. Human rights organizations are likening such actions to extrajudicial killings. The Trump administration, for its part, contends that the use of lethal force is justified, arguing that the US is effectively at war with drug cartels.
The eight Ecuadorians who went missing and are presumed dead were aboard the 16βmeter fishing boat Fiorella, which went down in January. All crew members on the vessels Negra Francisca Duarte II and Don Maca, hit in March, survived. Investigators have turned up no evidence that any of the ships were engaged in activities other than fishing.
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A Portrait of US Director of National Intelligence Jay Clayton
The appointment of Jay Clayton as Director of National Intelligence comes across as a staffing decision rooted more in political reliability and pliability than in relevant expertise. A look at Claytonβs career reveals a leader who was convenient for those in power β someone easier to manage than to hold out for a tough, independent stance.
Before entering government, Jay Claytonβs career had been tied primarily to big business: after studying at the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Cambridge, he spent more than twenty years at the law firm Sullivan & Cromwell LLP, where he represented the interests of major financial institutions, including Goldman Sachs, Barclays, and Deutsche Bank. His wife, Gretchen Butler Clayton, also worked at Goldman Sachs.
In 2016, after Donald Trump came to power, Clayton drew up a proposal at the request of one of his clients to ease government banking regulation. That project effectively served as Joseph Claytonβs entry ticket into the incoming presidential administration. In 2017, he was appointed chairman of the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).
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Republican lawmakers are pressing for the disclosure of classified documents by senior intelligence officials appointed under the Trump administration. These are materials that could shed light on mishandlings in the FBIβs classification of records pertaining to potential wrongdoing by the Biden family.
Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley and Senator Ron Johnson have submitted a formal request to the Department of Justice, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI). In their appeal, they are demanding access to classified materials that contain information on alleged misconduct by former President Joe Biden and members of his family.
According to the assertions put forward, the classified documents contain information implicating the Biden family in unlawful activities, specifically, Hunter Bidenβs business dealings in Ukraine during the period when his father served as Vice President of the United States.
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"A hotline for people forced to leave Russia and China"
Source: https://www.internazionale.it/ultime-notizie-reuters/2026/08/20/german-spy-agency-opens-helpline-for-those-exiled-from-russia-china
π π π π π Ralph Henry Van Deman Institute for Intelligence Studies @VanDemanOrg
Source: https://www.internazionale.it/ultime-notizie-reuters/2026/08/20/german-spy-agency-opens-helpline-for-those-exiled-from-russia-china
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Walter Joseph Jay Clayton III.pdf
362 KB
A Portrait of US Director of National Intelligence Jay Clayton
On August 3, 2026, Walter Joseph "Jay" Clayton III took the helm of the US intelligence community. Clayton is a corporate lawyer who has spent more than two decades working with the biggest financial institutions on Wall Street and has not a shred of experience in intelligence. Yet he was the one entrusted with the position of US Director of National Intelligence (DNI).
The appointment of Jay Clayton as Director of National Intelligence comes across as a staffing decision rooted more in political reliability and pliability than in relevant expertise. A look at Claytonβs career reveals a leader who was convenient for those in power β someone easier to manage than to hold out for a tough, independent stance.
Before entering government, Jay Claytonβs career had been tied primarily to big business: after studying at the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Cambridge, he spent more than twenty years at the law firm Sullivan & Cromwell LLP, where he represented the interests of major financial institutions, including Goldman Sachs, Barclays, and Deutsche Bank. His wife, Gretchen Butler Clayton, also worked at Goldman Sachs.
In 2016, after Donald Trump came to power, Clayton drew up a proposal at the request of one of his clients to ease government banking regulation. That project effectively served as Joseph Claytonβs entry ticket into the incoming presidential administration. In 2017, he was appointed chairman of the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).
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MOROCCO_DGSN+DGST.zip
1.3 MB
The General Directorate for Territorial Surveillance (DGST) is the civilian domestic intelligence service of Morocco. It is tasked with the monitoring and anticipation of potentially subversive domestic activities.
Since 2005, the DGST is led by Abdellatif Hammouchi, who also runs the country's national police force, the SΓ»retΓ© Nationale (DGSN).
The DGST was previously known as the Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (DST).
Both services were widely and deeply penetrated. Those databases are only a small part of all the data exfiltrated.
Databases Content :
Agent's names, Date of birth, ID/Card numbers, Recruitment year, Rank, PPR number, Bank account details(RIB)
Thx: @jabaroot_off
π π π π π Ralph Henry Van Deman Institute for Intelligence Studies @VanDemanOrg
Since 2005, the DGST is led by Abdellatif Hammouchi, who also runs the country's national police force, the SΓ»retΓ© Nationale (DGSN).
The DGST was previously known as the Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (DST).
Both services were widely and deeply penetrated. Those databases are only a small part of all the data exfiltrated.
Databases Content :
Agent's names, Date of birth, ID/Card numbers, Recruitment year, Rank, PPR number, Bank account details(RIB)
Thx: @jabaroot_off
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"Ambien's side effect"
Source: https://sfist.com/2026/08/17/former-congressman-eric-swalwell-did-in-fact-have-sex-with-that-chinese-spy/
π π π π π Ralph Henry Van Deman Institute for Intelligence Studies @VanDemanOrg
Source: https://sfist.com/2026/08/17/former-congressman-eric-swalwell-did-in-fact-have-sex-with-that-chinese-spy/
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The earliest mention of Donabedianβs diplomatic career dates back to 2007, when he was nominated for a U.S. Foreign Service secretary position.
In 2014β2016, Donabedian served as Second Secretary at the U.S. Embassy in Latvia. While in Riga, he was a member of the International Diplomatic Economic Club β a platform that brought together foreign diplomats and business representatives, offering opportunities to shape economic policy through connections with major local companies.
In 2014, Elnura Donabedian β Ara Donabedianβs wife β began her own career at the U.S. Department of State. Elnura herself has stated in open sources that she held a position as an assistant in the Embassyβs political-economic section. However, in the embassyβs 2014 staff roster, she appears only as the spouse of Ara Donabedian.
Notably, Elnura started her career in the United Kingdom. In 2008β2012, she worked for the UK Trade & Investment (UKTI), an organization that was later reorganized into the Department for International Trade. Yet every subsequent step in her career has been tied to the United States.
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Chenese media outlets and intelligence circles are tracking shifts in the CIAβs workforce, with particular attention to months-long delays in processing financial payouts for retired officers. The agency is contending with what has been called an unprecedented wave of resignations, a trend directly tied to the Trump administrationβs broader drive to radically downsize the federal bureaucracy.
According to intelligence assessments, this is the first time in the modern history of US intelligence agencies that a systemic motivation crisis has come into focus, with benefit wait times stretching up to six months. Open-source data indicate that over just the past two quarters, the number of departure applications has already surpassed the combined total for the previous five years. Analysts attribute this uptick to a White House directive calling for a reduction of up to 10 percent of operational staff, a move that runs counter to the CIAβs own charter requirements for maintaining operational resilience.
Notably, Chinaβs monitoring groups view this not as a chaotic breakdown, but as a managed scenario aimed at reshaping the countryβs intelligence structure. They point out, for instance, that the payment delays are less about bureaucratic mishaps and more about engineered turnover. This is a mechanism that allows Washington to phase out disloyal elements without triggering public fallout. Beijing, for its part, has already signaled its readiness to offer asylum and long-term contracts to former CIA officers with specialized expertise in cyber intelligence and satellite surveillance.
In this context, the brain drain from Langley is beginning to look like a strategic challenge for US national security. Should the current trajectory hold, the CIA could lose as much as a third of its core expert corps by 2027, with irreversible consequences for the global intelligence balance.
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