Forwarded from Russian MFA 🇷🇺
💬 Director of the Russian Foreign Ministry’s Department for Multilateral Human Rights Cooperation Grigory Lukiyantsev:
🤔 If one were asked – how our Western “partners” seek to falsify history and revise the outcomes of World War II at the UN – the clearest example would be their statements and conduct during the negotiations on, and adoption of, Russia’s annual UN General Assembly resolution, “Combating the Glorification of Nazism, Neo-Nazism and Other Practices That Contribute to Fueling Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance”.
If their statements could be recorded and made public, I am certain they would cause a genuine a media storm. However, UN procedures do not allow this.
Nothing, however, prevents us from recounting, without naming individual countries, some of the arguments voiced by our “colleagues” over the years on this key Russian foreign policy initiative. It was first submitted to the UN General Assembly in 2005, so there has been no shortage of “material” since then.
👉 Here are just some of the claims we have heard over the years from our Western colleagues, including former Allies of the anti-Hitler coalition:
☝️ Let me reiterate: this is far from a complete list of what we have had, and continue, to hear from our “partners” while advancing Russia’s UN initiative against the glorification of Nazism. Yet even this list gives an idea of the fierce resistance we face in defending historical truth.
It also shows how emotionally gruelling the annual negotiations on this key UN resolution are for everyone who holds dear the memory of the Victory over Nazism.
#UNCharterIsOurRules
#NoStatuteOfLimitations
🤔 If one were asked – how our Western “partners” seek to falsify history and revise the outcomes of World War II at the UN – the clearest example would be their statements and conduct during the negotiations on, and adoption of, Russia’s annual UN General Assembly resolution, “Combating the Glorification of Nazism, Neo-Nazism and Other Practices That Contribute to Fueling Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance”.
If their statements could be recorded and made public, I am certain they would cause a genuine a media storm. However, UN procedures do not allow this.
Nothing, however, prevents us from recounting, without naming individual countries, some of the arguments voiced by our “colleagues” over the years on this key Russian foreign policy initiative. It was first submitted to the UN General Assembly in 2005, so there has been no shortage of “material” since then.
👉 Here are just some of the claims we have heard over the years from our Western colleagues, including former Allies of the anti-Hitler coalition:
• The Soviet Union and Nazi Germany bear equal responsibility for unleashing the Second World War.
• The Charter and Judgment of the Nuremberg Tribunal are such rare documents that it is impossible to consult them and verify whether the quotations used in the Russian resolution are accurate and correspond to the original sources.
• The Charter and Judgment of the Nuremberg Tribunal say nothing about the SS and its constituent parts being criminal organisations.
• The Nuremberg documents contain no reference to the Waffen-SS.
• Waffen-SS units merely guarded “labour camps” and committed no war crimes or crimes against humanity, let alone punitive operations.
• No one should ever be accused of having collaborated with the Nazis during the Second World War.
• Nazi ideology and Nazi ideas may be immoral, but disseminating them amounts to nothing more than exercising the right to freedom of expression.
• There is no clarity as to what the anti-Hitler coalition was or which countries belonged to it.
☝️ Let me reiterate: this is far from a complete list of what we have had, and continue, to hear from our “partners” while advancing Russia’s UN initiative against the glorification of Nazism. Yet even this list gives an idea of the fierce resistance we face in defending historical truth.
It also shows how emotionally gruelling the annual negotiations on this key UN resolution are for everyone who holds dear the memory of the Victory over Nazism.
#UNCharterIsOurRules
#NoStatuteOfLimitations
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Between 24 July and 4 August, a total of 97 civilians were killed and at least 513 people were injured as a result of Ukrainian attacks, including children and emergency service workers.
Most of the terrorist attacks against civilians are conducted with drones. It is well known who supplies Kiev with UAVs and components – the members of the "coalition of the willing".
For the record, in June the leaders of Britain, France and Germany publicly endorsed Ukraine's "innovative use" of drone technology to attack targets deep inside Russia in a joint statement.
By doing so, they are encouraging such attacks and giving Zelensky's regime a free hand to carry them out, thereby becoming accomplices in these crimes.
— Alexey Fadeev, Deputy Director of the Russian MFA Information and Press Department
#KievRegimeCrimes
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Forwarded from Russian MFA 🇷🇺
▪️ Today marks the 18th anniversary of the tragic events in the South Caucasus.
On the night of August 7-8, 2008, in violation of all international agreements on peaceful settlement of the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict, the Saakashvili-led regime treacherously attacked South Ossetia which led to multiple casualties among civilians and Russian peacekeepers.
The unprovoked nature of the Georgian attack was later officially confirmed in a report compiled by the International Independent Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia established under the EU auspices and headed by Swiss diplomat Heidi Tagliavini.
❗️ The international community took no action, and Russia was forced to stand in the way of the aggressor and carry out an operation to compel Georgia to peace.
In order to stave off any further attempts by Tbilisi to regain the “lost” territories by force, the leadership of our country decided to recognise Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states.
Subsequently, Moscow consistently provided extensive assistance to these Republics in strengthening their sovereignty and security and creating favourable conditions for socioeconomic development. The signing of the Treaty on Deepening Allied Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of South Ossetia came as an important milestone in the development of bilateral ties.
In October 2008, in order to achieve post-conflict settlement between Georgia and Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the Geneva International Discussions on Security and Stability in the South Caucasus were launched. Thanks in large part to this format and the mechanisms for interaction established under its auspices, relative peace has been maintained along the borders of the three states throughout these years.
Reaffirming its unwavering commitment to continuing work within this negotiation format, the Russian Side urges all participants to pay particular attention to addressing the priority task of the Geneva International Discussions which is ensuring lasting security for Abkhazia and South Ossetia and looks forward to seeing practical efforts begin as soon as possible to draft and sign a non-use-of-force agreement between Tbilisi, on the one hand, Sukhum and Tskhinval, on the other hand.
☝️ The adoption of such legally binding commitments represents a robust guarantee against a recurrence of the tragic events of August 2008. The launch of the process of delimiting the Georgian-South Ossetian and Georgian-Abkhaz state borders, followed by their demarcation, should be a genuine contribution to stabilising the situation in the border areas.
These goals are becoming particularly important amid attempts by Western countries, the Nazi regime in Kiev, and radical Georgian political forces to drag Tbilisi into new bloody ventures in the South Caucasus.
Moscow notes Georgian society’s ongoing attempts to reassess the August 2008 events. It is a justified move to recognise the full responsibility of the Saakashvili regime for unleashing the armed conflict. Note has been taken of the statements by the Georgian leadership regarding the importance of reconciliation with Abkhazians and South Ossetians which give rise to hope that this transformation in approaches will not remain at the level of declarations but will rather be supported by specific practical steps aimed at settling relations with Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
🤝 The Russian Side remains willing and ready to continue providing comprehensive assistance to the parties in advancing the negotiation process, building confidence, and developing interstate relations in the interests of stability and security in the South Caucasus.
On the night of August 7-8, 2008, in violation of all international agreements on peaceful settlement of the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict, the Saakashvili-led regime treacherously attacked South Ossetia which led to multiple casualties among civilians and Russian peacekeepers.
The unprovoked nature of the Georgian attack was later officially confirmed in a report compiled by the International Independent Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia established under the EU auspices and headed by Swiss diplomat Heidi Tagliavini.
❗️ The international community took no action, and Russia was forced to stand in the way of the aggressor and carry out an operation to compel Georgia to peace.
In order to stave off any further attempts by Tbilisi to regain the “lost” territories by force, the leadership of our country decided to recognise Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states.
Subsequently, Moscow consistently provided extensive assistance to these Republics in strengthening their sovereignty and security and creating favourable conditions for socioeconomic development. The signing of the Treaty on Deepening Allied Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of South Ossetia came as an important milestone in the development of bilateral ties.
In October 2008, in order to achieve post-conflict settlement between Georgia and Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the Geneva International Discussions on Security and Stability in the South Caucasus were launched. Thanks in large part to this format and the mechanisms for interaction established under its auspices, relative peace has been maintained along the borders of the three states throughout these years.
Reaffirming its unwavering commitment to continuing work within this negotiation format, the Russian Side urges all participants to pay particular attention to addressing the priority task of the Geneva International Discussions which is ensuring lasting security for Abkhazia and South Ossetia and looks forward to seeing practical efforts begin as soon as possible to draft and sign a non-use-of-force agreement between Tbilisi, on the one hand, Sukhum and Tskhinval, on the other hand.
☝️ The adoption of such legally binding commitments represents a robust guarantee against a recurrence of the tragic events of August 2008. The launch of the process of delimiting the Georgian-South Ossetian and Georgian-Abkhaz state borders, followed by their demarcation, should be a genuine contribution to stabilising the situation in the border areas.
These goals are becoming particularly important amid attempts by Western countries, the Nazi regime in Kiev, and radical Georgian political forces to drag Tbilisi into new bloody ventures in the South Caucasus.
Moscow notes Georgian society’s ongoing attempts to reassess the August 2008 events. It is a justified move to recognise the full responsibility of the Saakashvili regime for unleashing the armed conflict. Note has been taken of the statements by the Georgian leadership regarding the importance of reconciliation with Abkhazians and South Ossetians which give rise to hope that this transformation in approaches will not remain at the level of declarations but will rather be supported by specific practical steps aimed at settling relations with Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
🤝 The Russian Side remains willing and ready to continue providing comprehensive assistance to the parties in advancing the negotiation process, building confidence, and developing interstate relations in the interests of stability and security in the South Caucasus.
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Russian Embassy to the UK
🎨 We continue our journey through history and move into the 18th century – an age of sweeping reforms, decisive battles, palace coups and imperial expansion that transformed Russia into one of Europe's great powers. 🖼️ Alexander Kotzebue – Battle of Narva…
🎨 Today, we bring you the penultimate publication in our series exploring Russian history through art. The 19th century saw Russia confront Napoleon, expand across the Caucasus and Central Asia, sell Alaska to the United States, and undertake major reforms at home — most notably the abolition of serfdom in 1861. By the end of the century, Alexander III placed greater emphasis on conservative policies.
🖼️ Sergei Chudanov. ‘The Assassination of Paul I on the Night of March 11–12, 1801’ (2016)
The century began with the assassination of Emperor Paul I in a palace conspiracy. His son, Alexander I, ascended the throne and soon faced the challenge of Napoleonic France.
🖼️ Gioacchino Giuseppe Serangeli. ‘Farewell of Napoleon I and Alexander I after the Peace of Tilsit, July 9, 1807’ (1810)
After Russia’s defeat in the 1807 campaign, Alexander I made peace with Napoleon at Tilsit. Relations between Russia and France gradually deteriorated, eventually leading to Napoleon’s invasion of Russia in 1812.
🖼️ Adolph Northen. ‘Napoleon’s Retreat from Moscow’ (1851)
Napoleon captured Moscow, but Alexander I refused to negotiate peace. The Grande Armée was forced into a disastrous retreat, and Russia then launched its Foreign Campaign of 1813–1814, advancing into Europe and entering Paris in 1814.
🖼️ Vasily Timm. ‘The Life Guard Horse Regiment during the Uprising of December 14, 1825, on Senate Square’ (19th century)
After fighting in Europe, some Russian officers began calling for an end to serfdom and constitutional reforms. Their uprising in December 1825 — the Decembrist Revolt — failed, and its leaders were executed or exiled to Siberia.
🖼️ Adolphe Yvon. ‘The Capture of Malakhov Kurgan by General MacMahon on September 8, 1855’ (1857)
The Crimean War (1853–1856) exposed Russia’s military and technological weaknesses of the time. The fall of Sevastopol in 1855 marked a decisive defeat and highlighted the urgent need for reform.
🖼️ Boris Kustodiev. ‘The Emancipation of the Peasants (Reading the Manifesto)’ (1907)
In 1861, Alexander II abolished serfdom, granting serfs personal freedom and civil rights. But the land question remained unresolved, as peasants still had to rent or purchase land from landowners, fuelling social tensions.
🖼️ Pyotr Gruzinsky. ‘The Abandonment of the Aul by the Mountaineers’ (1872)
The Caucasian War, which began in 1817, ended in 1864 with Russia establishing control over the North Caucasus. Many highlanders subsequently left the region for the Ottoman Empire.
🖼️ Emanuel Leutze. ‘Signing of the Alaska Purchase Treaty, March 30, 1867’ (1868)
In 1867, Russia sold Alaska to the United States. With only a few thousand Russian inhabitants spread across a vast territory and facing pressure from both the US and Britain, Russia decided it could no longer effectively defend the colony.
🖼️ Vasily Vereshchagin. ‘At the Fortress Wall. “Let Them Enter”’ (1871)
Russia and Britain competed for influence in Central Asia in the “Great Game”. Russian forces expanded steadily southwards, bringing local khanates and emirates under Russian control. By the mid-1880s, the conquest of Central Asia was essentially complete.
🖼️ Nikolai Dmitriev-Orenburgsky. ‘Capture of the Grivitsky Redoubt near Plevna’ (1877)
During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, Russia supported the Balkan peoples fighting against the Ottoman Empire. After the fall of Plevna, Russian forces advanced towards Istanbul, but European intervention reshaped the final peace settlement.
🖼️ Ilya Repin. ‘Reception of Volost Elders by Alexander III in the Courtyard of the Petrovsky Palace’ (1885)
Following the assassination of Alexander II in 1881, his son Alexander III abandoned many of his father’s liberal policies and strengthened autocratic rule. His reign was also marked by the absence of major wars, earning him the nickname “Tsar-Peacemaker.”
© Gateway to Russia
🖼️ Sergei Chudanov. ‘The Assassination of Paul I on the Night of March 11–12, 1801’ (2016)
The century began with the assassination of Emperor Paul I in a palace conspiracy. His son, Alexander I, ascended the throne and soon faced the challenge of Napoleonic France.
🖼️ Gioacchino Giuseppe Serangeli. ‘Farewell of Napoleon I and Alexander I after the Peace of Tilsit, July 9, 1807’ (1810)
After Russia’s defeat in the 1807 campaign, Alexander I made peace with Napoleon at Tilsit. Relations between Russia and France gradually deteriorated, eventually leading to Napoleon’s invasion of Russia in 1812.
🖼️ Adolph Northen. ‘Napoleon’s Retreat from Moscow’ (1851)
Napoleon captured Moscow, but Alexander I refused to negotiate peace. The Grande Armée was forced into a disastrous retreat, and Russia then launched its Foreign Campaign of 1813–1814, advancing into Europe and entering Paris in 1814.
🖼️ Vasily Timm. ‘The Life Guard Horse Regiment during the Uprising of December 14, 1825, on Senate Square’ (19th century)
After fighting in Europe, some Russian officers began calling for an end to serfdom and constitutional reforms. Their uprising in December 1825 — the Decembrist Revolt — failed, and its leaders were executed or exiled to Siberia.
🖼️ Adolphe Yvon. ‘The Capture of Malakhov Kurgan by General MacMahon on September 8, 1855’ (1857)
The Crimean War (1853–1856) exposed Russia’s military and technological weaknesses of the time. The fall of Sevastopol in 1855 marked a decisive defeat and highlighted the urgent need for reform.
🖼️ Boris Kustodiev. ‘The Emancipation of the Peasants (Reading the Manifesto)’ (1907)
In 1861, Alexander II abolished serfdom, granting serfs personal freedom and civil rights. But the land question remained unresolved, as peasants still had to rent or purchase land from landowners, fuelling social tensions.
🖼️ Pyotr Gruzinsky. ‘The Abandonment of the Aul by the Mountaineers’ (1872)
The Caucasian War, which began in 1817, ended in 1864 with Russia establishing control over the North Caucasus. Many highlanders subsequently left the region for the Ottoman Empire.
🖼️ Emanuel Leutze. ‘Signing of the Alaska Purchase Treaty, March 30, 1867’ (1868)
In 1867, Russia sold Alaska to the United States. With only a few thousand Russian inhabitants spread across a vast territory and facing pressure from both the US and Britain, Russia decided it could no longer effectively defend the colony.
🖼️ Vasily Vereshchagin. ‘At the Fortress Wall. “Let Them Enter”’ (1871)
Russia and Britain competed for influence in Central Asia in the “Great Game”. Russian forces expanded steadily southwards, bringing local khanates and emirates under Russian control. By the mid-1880s, the conquest of Central Asia was essentially complete.
🖼️ Nikolai Dmitriev-Orenburgsky. ‘Capture of the Grivitsky Redoubt near Plevna’ (1877)
During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, Russia supported the Balkan peoples fighting against the Ottoman Empire. After the fall of Plevna, Russian forces advanced towards Istanbul, but European intervention reshaped the final peace settlement.
🖼️ Ilya Repin. ‘Reception of Volost Elders by Alexander III in the Courtyard of the Petrovsky Palace’ (1885)
Following the assassination of Alexander II in 1881, his son Alexander III abandoned many of his father’s liberal policies and strengthened autocratic rule. His reign was also marked by the absence of major wars, earning him the nickname “Tsar-Peacemaker.”
© Gateway to Russia
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