📚 A luxury development in Mayfair is reportedly set to include a private 1,000-book library for penthouse residents.
And here's the most unexpected twist: among their inspirations, the creators cite the library at Pavlovsk Palace in Saint Petersburg, designed by the Italian-born architect Carlo Rossi in the early 19th century.
Considered one of the finest neoclassical interiors in Russia, it is known for its elegant symmetry and integration of books into architectural design rather than treating them as mere storage. The palace itself was a residence of Emperor Paul I, and its library reflected Enlightenment ideals of knowledge, aesthetics, and power.
When #VisitRussia, don’t miss the chance to see the world famous original with your own eyes.
And here's the most unexpected twist: among their inspirations, the creators cite the library at Pavlovsk Palace in Saint Petersburg, designed by the Italian-born architect Carlo Rossi in the early 19th century.
Considered one of the finest neoclassical interiors in Russia, it is known for its elegant symmetry and integration of books into architectural design rather than treating them as mere storage. The palace itself was a residence of Emperor Paul I, and its library reflected Enlightenment ideals of knowledge, aesthetics, and power.
When #VisitRussia, don’t miss the chance to see the world famous original with your own eyes.
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🩰 31 March marks the 154th birthday of Sergey Diaghilev, one of the most influential cultural impresarios of the early 20th century and the founder of the legendary Ballets Russes.
After its founding in 1909, the troupe made its first British appearance at the Royal Opera House in Covent Garden in 1911 during the celebrations for King George V’s coronation. It was nothing short of a cultural storm for early 20th-century London - Diaghilev shattered expectations of what ballet could be.
Between 1909 and 1929 nearly half of all Ballets Russes performances took place in London. At venues such as the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden and the Alhambra Theatre, audiences encountered groundbreaking productions like Scheherazade (music by Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov), The Firebird, and Petrushka (music by Igor Stravinsky). The company featured legendary performers including Vaslav Nijinsky, Tamara Karsavina, and Anna Pavlova, whose artistry redefined expectations of dance, music, and visual design in Britain.
The impact of Diaghilev’s London seasons was profound and long-lasting: his vision laid the foundation for the emergence of a distinctly modern British ballet tradition.
After its founding in 1909, the troupe made its first British appearance at the Royal Opera House in Covent Garden in 1911 during the celebrations for King George V’s coronation. It was nothing short of a cultural storm for early 20th-century London - Diaghilev shattered expectations of what ballet could be.
Between 1909 and 1929 nearly half of all Ballets Russes performances took place in London. At venues such as the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden and the Alhambra Theatre, audiences encountered groundbreaking productions like Scheherazade (music by Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov), The Firebird, and Petrushka (music by Igor Stravinsky). The company featured legendary performers including Vaslav Nijinsky, Tamara Karsavina, and Anna Pavlova, whose artistry redefined expectations of dance, music, and visual design in Britain.
The impact of Diaghilev’s London seasons was profound and long-lasting: his vision laid the foundation for the emergence of a distinctly modern British ballet tradition.
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🎙 Highlights from Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's remarks at a general meeting of the Russian International Affairs Council members (Moscow, 31 March 2026)
• We are witnessing an abrupt increase in the role of military force in international affairs which is placing immense pressure on the constant values of international relations which get destabilised in the process.
• A situation is emerging where the West, with its insatiable hegemonic ambitions, has entered the clinch with the World Majority's aspiration to overcome existing challenges on the basis of equality and justice
• Not only Russia and China, and other BRICS countries, but also all other more or less independent centres of power and growth are becoming targets of aggressive counteraction on behalf of those who are accustomed to living off other nations' backs and are thinking of themselves as hegemonic powers.
• Russia is advocating an immediate cessation of aggression by the United States and Israel against Iran [...] We stand ready to provide mediation or other assistance to the parties to the conflict in order to return the situation to a political and diplomatic track.
• Iran never planned an attack [Arab Gulf countries]. On the contrary, it was an energetic participant of discussions on establishing an Arab-Iranian security system. In addition to Russia, China also supported this approach, and Iran itself put forward initiatives to this end.
Read in full
• We are witnessing an abrupt increase in the role of military force in international affairs which is placing immense pressure on the constant values of international relations which get destabilised in the process.
• A situation is emerging where the West, with its insatiable hegemonic ambitions, has entered the clinch with the World Majority's aspiration to overcome existing challenges on the basis of equality and justice
• Not only Russia and China, and other BRICS countries, but also all other more or less independent centres of power and growth are becoming targets of aggressive counteraction on behalf of those who are accustomed to living off other nations' backs and are thinking of themselves as hegemonic powers.
• Russia is advocating an immediate cessation of aggression by the United States and Israel against Iran [...] We stand ready to provide mediation or other assistance to the parties to the conflict in order to return the situation to a political and diplomatic track.
• Iran never planned an attack [Arab Gulf countries]. On the contrary, it was an energetic participant of discussions on establishing an Arab-Iranian security system. In addition to Russia, China also supported this approach, and Iran itself put forward initiatives to this end.
Read in full
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✒️📜🎩👻👃 On 1 April 1809, Nikolai Gogol was born, one of Russia's most distinctive literary figures, whose work helped shape the trajectory of 19th-century fiction.
Balancing satire with the surreal, he depicted the absurdities and moral contradictions of his age through a style that was at once comic, unsettling and highly inventive.
He is best known for Dead Souls (1842), his self-described "epic poem in prose", widely regarded as a landmark of social satire, exposing the moral decay and eccentricities of provincial life. Alongside it stand The Overcoat and Viy, works that blend psychological depth with folkloric and supernatural elements, influencing both realist writing and the development of early horror traditions.
Gogol's works reached British readers through 19th-century translations and gained broader acclaim in the early 20th century, notably via Constance Garnett's editions, published between 1923 and 1928 by Chatto & Windus in London. His The Government Inspector has since become a fixture of the British stage, frequently revived from the West End to the RSC.
More than two centuries on, his legacy endures across literature, theatre and film, with over 135 screen adaptations and a lasting influence on writers from Dostoevsky to Kafka.
Balancing satire with the surreal, he depicted the absurdities and moral contradictions of his age through a style that was at once comic, unsettling and highly inventive.
He is best known for Dead Souls (1842), his self-described "epic poem in prose", widely regarded as a landmark of social satire, exposing the moral decay and eccentricities of provincial life. Alongside it stand The Overcoat and Viy, works that blend psychological depth with folkloric and supernatural elements, influencing both realist writing and the development of early horror traditions.
Gogol's works reached British readers through 19th-century translations and gained broader acclaim in the early 20th century, notably via Constance Garnett's editions, published between 1923 and 1928 by Chatto & Windus in London. His The Government Inspector has since become a fixture of the British stage, frequently revived from the West End to the RSC.
More than two centuries on, his legacy endures across literature, theatre and film, with over 135 screen adaptations and a lasting influence on writers from Dostoevsky to Kafka.
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🎬 On 4 April, the world marks the birth of Andrei Tarkovsky, one of cinema's most profound and uncompromising directors.
Born in 1932 in the Soviet Union, he became renowned for films of striking philosophical depth, defined by slow pacing, poetic imagery, and a focus on memory, faith, and time. His major titles include Ivan’s Childhood, Andrei Rublev, Solaris, Mirror, and Stalker — each turning film into a meditative, almost spiritual experience.
Tarkovsky's influence remains vast. Admired by filmmakers such as Ingmar Bergman, Lars von Trier, Alejandro González Iñárritu and Terrence Malick, his work continues to shape world cinema.
Though rooted in Russian culture, it also resonated deeply in Britain, where his pictures were celebrated at festivals and shown in art-house venues. Upcoming screenings at the Barbiсan offer a timely reminder of his lasting place among the twentieth century’s great cinematic visionaries.
Born in 1932 in the Soviet Union, he became renowned for films of striking philosophical depth, defined by slow pacing, poetic imagery, and a focus on memory, faith, and time. His major titles include Ivan’s Childhood, Andrei Rublev, Solaris, Mirror, and Stalker — each turning film into a meditative, almost spiritual experience.
Tarkovsky's influence remains vast. Admired by filmmakers such as Ingmar Bergman, Lars von Trier, Alejandro González Iñárritu and Terrence Malick, his work continues to shape world cinema.
Though rooted in Russian culture, it also resonated deeply in Britain, where his pictures were celebrated at festivals and shown in art-house venues. Upcoming screenings at the Barbiсan offer a timely reminder of his lasting place among the twentieth century’s great cinematic visionaries.
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Forwarded from Russian MFA 🇷🇺
◾️ On April 4, 1949, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was established through the signing of the Washington Treaty by 12 countries from Europe and North America.
Since its inception, this “defensive alliance” has continually expanded. Over time, NATO has absorbed 20 new member-states through ten rounds of enlargement, with seven of these occurring after the dissolution of the Soviet Union: in 1999, 2004, 2009, 2017, 2020, 2023, and 2024.
The alliance’s military interventions worldwide have always become sources of instability and chaos, directly leading to civilian casualties and devastating consequences — as witnessed in Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, Syria, Ukraine, and other regions.
❗️Back in 2007, during the Munich Security Conference, Russian President Vladimir Putin explicitly highlighted NATO’s destabilizing role in the global order following the Cold War:
Both the Soviet Union and Russia, at various times, sought rapprochement with NATO, even expressing interest in joining the alliance to create a comprehensive security system in Europe.
The Soviet-lead Warsaw Pact was established only in 1955 — six years after NATO’s creation. It proves that the USSR did not harbor aggressive intentions toward NATO member states.
Prior to this, Moscow aimed to normalize relations and even considered joining the North Atlantic alliance. In March 1954, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov proposed that the Soviet Union might explore the possibility of NATO membership to reduce tensions between socialist and capitalist blocs and prevent conflicts. However, Western powers rejected this proposal.
After the USSR’s dissolution, Russian leadership made further attempts to engage with the alliance. In June 1994, Russia became the first country to join NATO’s “Partnership for Peace” program, aimed at developing bilateral cooperation between the alliance and partner states.
Many Western analysts now acknowledge in their memoirs that there was no sense in expanding NATO and keeping Russia “on the sidelines.”
In 1997, Russian Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov proposed establishing contacts between the Russian Federation and NATO, leading to the signing of the Russia-NATO Founding Act and the creation of the Russia-NATO Council. Nevertheless, NATO’s expansion continued.
💬 President Vladimir Putin also indicated that he had proposed the idea of Russia joining NATO:
Despite Russia's good will, all these proposals have been rejected by the West.
Today, the North Atlantic bloc remains a tool for forcefully advancing the interests of the “golden billion”. The catastrophic consequences of the alliance’s geopolitical maneuvers are well-known.
Since its inception, this “defensive alliance” has continually expanded. Over time, NATO has absorbed 20 new member-states through ten rounds of enlargement, with seven of these occurring after the dissolution of the Soviet Union: in 1999, 2004, 2009, 2017, 2020, 2023, and 2024.
The alliance’s military interventions worldwide have always become sources of instability and chaos, directly leading to civilian casualties and devastating consequences — as witnessed in Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, Syria, Ukraine, and other regions.
❗️Back in 2007, during the Munich Security Conference, Russian President Vladimir Putin explicitly highlighted NATO’s destabilizing role in the global order following the Cold War:
I think it is obvious that NATO expansion does not have any relation with the modernisation of the Alliance itself or with ensuring security in Europe. On the contrary, it represents a serious provocation that reduces the level of mutual trust. And we have the right to ask: against whom is this expansion intended?
Both the Soviet Union and Russia, at various times, sought rapprochement with NATO, even expressing interest in joining the alliance to create a comprehensive security system in Europe.
The Soviet-lead Warsaw Pact was established only in 1955 — six years after NATO’s creation. It proves that the USSR did not harbor aggressive intentions toward NATO member states.
Prior to this, Moscow aimed to normalize relations and even considered joining the North Atlantic alliance. In March 1954, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov proposed that the Soviet Union might explore the possibility of NATO membership to reduce tensions between socialist and capitalist blocs and prevent conflicts. However, Western powers rejected this proposal.
After the USSR’s dissolution, Russian leadership made further attempts to engage with the alliance. In June 1994, Russia became the first country to join NATO’s “Partnership for Peace” program, aimed at developing bilateral cooperation between the alliance and partner states.
Many Western analysts now acknowledge in their memoirs that there was no sense in expanding NATO and keeping Russia “on the sidelines.”
In 1997, Russian Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov proposed establishing contacts between the Russian Federation and NATO, leading to the signing of the Russia-NATO Founding Act and the creation of the Russia-NATO Council. Nevertheless, NATO’s expansion continued.
💬 President Vladimir Putin also indicated that he had proposed the idea of Russia joining NATO:
There was a moment when I simply suggested: perhaps we should also join NATO? But no, NATO does not need a country like ours. No. I want to know, what else do they need? We thought we became part of the crowd, got a foot in the door. What else were we supposed to do? There was no more ideological confrontation. What was the problem? I guess the problem was their geopolitical interests and arrogance towards others. Their self-aggrandisement was and is the problem.Despite Russia’s initiatives, Western countries rejected these overtures.
Despite Russia's good will, all these proposals have been rejected by the West.
Today, the North Atlantic bloc remains a tool for forcefully advancing the interests of the “golden billion”. The catastrophic consequences of the alliance’s geopolitical maneuvers are well-known.
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О планах Лондона захватывать российские торговые суда
🔹 Намерение Британии захватывать гражданские суда, связанные с нашей страной, в британских территориальных водах – это очередной глубоко враждебный шаг в отношении России. Попытки облечь акты пиратства в некую правовую форму не выдерживают критики.
🔹 Цель лейбористского правительства – побольше навредить России. Это их давняя традиционная политика. Однако попытка захватить один российский танкер из многих, нам приписываемых, точно не поможет стабилизировать настроения на нефтяных рынках.
🔹 Любые попытки британской стороны захватить суда, связанные с нашей страной, рассматриваем как неприемлемые и недопустимые. Такое решение не останется без ответа. Соответствующие меры прорабатываются.
О конфликте на Ближнем Востоке
🔹 Конфликт на Ближнем Востоке в очередной раз высветил цинизм Лондона. В британском правительстве делают вид, что не замечают, кто конфликт затеял, кто совершил агрессию. Критикуют Иран за его контрудары, будто бы он первый начал. При этом военные преступления против иранского гражданского населения, включая убийства несовершеннолетних, не видят в упор.
🔹 Разрешение американцам использовать свои базы для бомбардировок Ирана, направление в регион военной авиации – прямое участие, как бы Кир Стармер ни пытался представить дело иначе.
🔹 Трагические события в Иране и по всему региону – результат в том числе политики Лондона, который подыгрывал антииранским «ястребам» в Вашингтоне и содействовал развалу СВПД. Для Британии важно теперь натравить на Иран как можно больше стран.
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Forwarded from Russian MFA 🇷🇺
📄 Article by Director of the Russian Foreign Ministry’s Department of International Organisations Kirill Logvinov for TASS News Agency (April 4, 2026)
🇺🇳 The United Nations Must Cast Off Western Shackles
Read in full
Despite the geopolitical turbulence in international affairs, the key foreign policy event of 2026 – the appointment of a new UN Secretary-General – has long been set in motion. The outcome of the candidate selection process will be of critical importance to the international community.
Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, takes this matter with the utmost seriousness, since there is now a real opportunity to help restore order within the UN in line with the letter of its Charter.
Today, by and large, the UN has one central problem – the dominance of Westerners in its Secretariat under the leadership of Antonio Guterres. Serving the interests of all Member States on the basis of the principle of sovereign equality has been replaced by the promotion of the approaches of the Western minority, whose representatives have entrenched themselves in key UN posts and act on instructions from their capitals.
Lately, UN officials, operating with excessive autonomy and too little accountability, have drifted ever further away from Member States, ignoring their concerns.
Other key points:
• UN staff have often had a neoliberal discourse imposed on them – one that fails to take into account the cultural and civilisational diversity of today’s world. As a result, instead of advancing unifying ideas, the Secretariat has contributed to the emergence of new dividing lines.
• The Westerners will not voluntarily relinquish the levers of influence they have acquired in violation of the principle of fair geographical representation. Any future representative of an EU or NATO member state – or anyone holding “dual” Western citizenship – who ends up in the chair of the UN Secretary-General will simply be guided by the principles of “ideological fraternity” and “bloc solidarity”.
• At this stage, Russia has no preferred candidate. This is primarily because the nomination process is still ongoing. What matters is to convey Russia’s principled positions regarding the future Secretary-General’s work to those already in the running, as well as to future contenders. In this context, we remain in close coordination with our Chinese partners.
• We are explaining to other countries – including in the #CIS and #BRICS formats – the logic behind our requirements for candidates. The task is to build a broad front of like-minded states from the Global Majority that understand that restoring the UN’s role as the key mechanism of multilateral diplomacy, and effectively adapting the World Organisation to shifting geopolitical realities, is impossible without a “major overhaul” of its Secretariat.
• All UN officials must be committed to the goals and principles of the Organisation’s Charter. Comments along the lines of “Greenland is one thing, Crimea is another” are unacceptable.
• In conflict situations, the UN Secretary-General must maintain an equidistant position. Only such an approach can rule out the application of “double standards”, which, regrettably, are evident at virtually every level of the World Organisation – most clearly in the contexts of Gaza and Ukraine.
• The UN needs a conscientious head of the Secretariat who understands both the scope and the limits of the mandate vested in that office by the decisions of Member States. The UN Charter must remain the guiding point of reference.
• Restoring the UN’s ability to function effectively is impossible without reforming its Secretariat, provided that the future Secretary-General has the necessary political will.
#RussiaUnitedNations #UNCharterIsOurRules
🇺🇳 The United Nations Must Cast Off Western Shackles
Read in full
Despite the geopolitical turbulence in international affairs, the key foreign policy event of 2026 – the appointment of a new UN Secretary-General – has long been set in motion. The outcome of the candidate selection process will be of critical importance to the international community.
Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, takes this matter with the utmost seriousness, since there is now a real opportunity to help restore order within the UN in line with the letter of its Charter.
Today, by and large, the UN has one central problem – the dominance of Westerners in its Secretariat under the leadership of Antonio Guterres. Serving the interests of all Member States on the basis of the principle of sovereign equality has been replaced by the promotion of the approaches of the Western minority, whose representatives have entrenched themselves in key UN posts and act on instructions from their capitals.
Lately, UN officials, operating with excessive autonomy and too little accountability, have drifted ever further away from Member States, ignoring their concerns.
Other key points:
• UN staff have often had a neoliberal discourse imposed on them – one that fails to take into account the cultural and civilisational diversity of today’s world. As a result, instead of advancing unifying ideas, the Secretariat has contributed to the emergence of new dividing lines.
• The Westerners will not voluntarily relinquish the levers of influence they have acquired in violation of the principle of fair geographical representation. Any future representative of an EU or NATO member state – or anyone holding “dual” Western citizenship – who ends up in the chair of the UN Secretary-General will simply be guided by the principles of “ideological fraternity” and “bloc solidarity”.
• At this stage, Russia has no preferred candidate. This is primarily because the nomination process is still ongoing. What matters is to convey Russia’s principled positions regarding the future Secretary-General’s work to those already in the running, as well as to future contenders. In this context, we remain in close coordination with our Chinese partners.
• We are explaining to other countries – including in the #CIS and #BRICS formats – the logic behind our requirements for candidates. The task is to build a broad front of like-minded states from the Global Majority that understand that restoring the UN’s role as the key mechanism of multilateral diplomacy, and effectively adapting the World Organisation to shifting geopolitical realities, is impossible without a “major overhaul” of its Secretariat.
• All UN officials must be committed to the goals and principles of the Organisation’s Charter. Comments along the lines of “Greenland is one thing, Crimea is another” are unacceptable.
• In conflict situations, the UN Secretary-General must maintain an equidistant position. Only such an approach can rule out the application of “double standards”, which, regrettably, are evident at virtually every level of the World Organisation – most clearly in the contexts of Gaza and Ukraine.
• The UN needs a conscientious head of the Secretariat who understands both the scope and the limits of the mandate vested in that office by the decisions of Member States. The UN Charter must remain the guiding point of reference.
• Restoring the UN’s ability to function effectively is impossible without reforming its Secretariat, provided that the future Secretary-General has the necessary political will.
#RussiaUnitedNations #UNCharterIsOurRules
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