"7. What economic policy do you consider the most acceptable for Russia?
We support the creation of a progressive socialist economy in Russia. Large enterprises will be nationalized, while small and medium-sized businesses will remain in private hands. It is necessary to abandon the WTO and strive to achieve economic autarky (self-sufficiency) in Russia. Only if the Russian economy is self-sufficient can one actively enter world markets.
In foreign economic relations, we intend to start trading operations for rubles, not dollars. This step will contribute to the elimination of the global hegemony of the American currency, to stop the humiliating dependence of the Russian economy on the globalist gentlemen.
The economic system of Russia should be focused not on banking speculation, but on a working person engaged in the actual production of goods and services. We intend to give free development to the trade union movement, which will defend the rights of workers before employers. The other Russia is the Russia of labor."
We support the creation of a progressive socialist economy in Russia. Large enterprises will be nationalized, while small and medium-sized businesses will remain in private hands. It is necessary to abandon the WTO and strive to achieve economic autarky (self-sufficiency) in Russia. Only if the Russian economy is self-sufficient can one actively enter world markets.
In foreign economic relations, we intend to start trading operations for rubles, not dollars. This step will contribute to the elimination of the global hegemony of the American currency, to stop the humiliating dependence of the Russian economy on the globalist gentlemen.
The economic system of Russia should be focused not on banking speculation, but on a working person engaged in the actual production of goods and services. We intend to give free development to the trade union movement, which will defend the rights of workers before employers. The other Russia is the Russia of labor."
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"7. What economic policy do you consider the most acceptable for Russia? We support the creation of a progressive socialist economy in Russia. Large enterprises will be nationalized, while small and medium-sized businesses will remain in private hands. It…
As I said, they watered down their policy to reach popularity and not attract attention of "certain groups"
https://newfrontierusa.org/articles/know-thy-enemy-know-thy-self/
Whoever wrote this has just ridiculed himself. Here's their "opinions" on "conflict theory":
"The Third Position rejects “conflict theory” for three main reasons:
1.) This theory is unstable and, at its core, anarchistic. If one group were to overthrow the other, that victorious group is now the public enemy, and the cycle of senseless bloodshed continues.
2.) Men are not equally endowed, as some are clearly more able than others. Society functions best with people occupying positions that play to their strengths; inequality is not only inevitable, but necessary.
3.) The most essential reason to oppose this idea is our belief in class unity, not class struggle. A healthy and robust state functions through cooperation, not division. Revolutionary struggle is not abandoned, but is transformed into a nationalized struggle. The state becomes not an obstacle to radical revolution but essential to it."
I will answer with Marxist and NazBol approaches to class struggle and other ideas in next posts ==>
Whoever wrote this has just ridiculed himself. Here's their "opinions" on "conflict theory":
"The Third Position rejects “conflict theory” for three main reasons:
1.) This theory is unstable and, at its core, anarchistic. If one group were to overthrow the other, that victorious group is now the public enemy, and the cycle of senseless bloodshed continues.
2.) Men are not equally endowed, as some are clearly more able than others. Society functions best with people occupying positions that play to their strengths; inequality is not only inevitable, but necessary.
3.) The most essential reason to oppose this idea is our belief in class unity, not class struggle. A healthy and robust state functions through cooperation, not division. Revolutionary struggle is not abandoned, but is transformed into a nationalized struggle. The state becomes not an obstacle to radical revolution but essential to it."
I will answer with Marxist and NazBol approaches to class struggle and other ideas in next posts ==>
New Frontier
Know Thy Enemy, Know Thy Self - New Frontier
If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the …
==> Here these sentences are directly taken from Marxist encyclopedia:
Classes emerge only at a certain stage in the development of the productive forces and the social division of labour, when there exists a social surplus of production, which makes it possible for one class to benefit by the expropriation of another. The conflict between classes there begins, founded in the division of the social surplus, and constitutes the fundamental antagonism in all class. As capitalism was just beginning to create itself, Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels explained the processes they had witnessed:
"Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As privates of the industrial army, they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois state; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the overlooker, and, above all, in the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is.
"The increasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon, the workers begin to form combinations (trade unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.
"Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lie not in the immediate result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by Modern Industry, and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes.
Karl Marx
Manifesto of the Communist Party
Chpt 1: Bourgeois and Proletarians
==>
Classes emerge only at a certain stage in the development of the productive forces and the social division of labour, when there exists a social surplus of production, which makes it possible for one class to benefit by the expropriation of another. The conflict between classes there begins, founded in the division of the social surplus, and constitutes the fundamental antagonism in all class. As capitalism was just beginning to create itself, Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels explained the processes they had witnessed:
"Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As privates of the industrial army, they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois state; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the overlooker, and, above all, in the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is.
"The increasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon, the workers begin to form combinations (trade unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.
"Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lie not in the immediate result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by Modern Industry, and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes.
Karl Marx
Manifesto of the Communist Party
Chpt 1: Bourgeois and Proletarians
==>
==>
What is the breaking point? When does the class struggle reach such a height that the increasingly backward structure of capitalist production is overthrown?
"Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past, the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeois and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that, by their periodical return, put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity -- the epidemic of over-production.
"Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed. And why? Because there is too much civilization, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
"The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage labor. Wage labor rests exclusively on competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the laborers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers.
Karl Marx
Manifesto of the Communist Party
Chpt 1: Bourgeois and Proletarians
==>
What is the breaking point? When does the class struggle reach such a height that the increasingly backward structure of capitalist production is overthrown?
"Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past, the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeois and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that, by their periodical return, put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity -- the epidemic of over-production.
"Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed. And why? Because there is too much civilization, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
"The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage labor. Wage labor rests exclusively on competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the laborers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers.
Karl Marx
Manifesto of the Communist Party
Chpt 1: Bourgeois and Proletarians
==>
==> TLDR
Marx showed that all class struggle will be resolved in communism, which can be achieved only after a period of a dictatorship of the proletariat.
(In our version, class struggle within a nation will be resolved in a stronger nation which liberated herself from parasites and achieved true volkisch spirit.)
==>
Marx showed that all class struggle will be resolved in communism, which can be achieved only after a period of a dictatorship of the proletariat.
(In our version, class struggle within a nation will be resolved in a stronger nation which liberated herself from parasites and achieved true volkisch spirit.)
==>
==> These are from Paetel's National Bolshevist Manifesto :
"The Class Struggle as a Nationalist Demand The class struggle is not an invention of the ‘Jew Marx.’ It is a fact of daily life, reflecting the labor contract between employer and employee, as well as the functions of press, state, and cultural life. It is a battle line established by those who are in possession of the economic means of power, imposed on those ‘below’, who respond with fury. It does not require a moral judgement but instead a stated decision on which side we want to fight. The class struggle is not some artificial construct. As everywhere in the life of cells, new, young life replaces the old and feeble; so too in the body of the Volk [Volkskörper] is the old leadership class, after fulfilling its function for the community over a certain period, replaced by new forces – usually with violence. Thus is the class struggle, irrespective of the fact that this process is playing itself out amongst all peoples, a course of events in the life of the Volk [Volkslebens], a process of reversal against the leadership forces within a folk-organism. [Volksorganismus]..."
==>
"The Class Struggle as a Nationalist Demand The class struggle is not an invention of the ‘Jew Marx.’ It is a fact of daily life, reflecting the labor contract between employer and employee, as well as the functions of press, state, and cultural life. It is a battle line established by those who are in possession of the economic means of power, imposed on those ‘below’, who respond with fury. It does not require a moral judgement but instead a stated decision on which side we want to fight. The class struggle is not some artificial construct. As everywhere in the life of cells, new, young life replaces the old and feeble; so too in the body of the Volk [Volkskörper] is the old leadership class, after fulfilling its function for the community over a certain period, replaced by new forces – usually with violence. Thus is the class struggle, irrespective of the fact that this process is playing itself out amongst all peoples, a course of events in the life of the Volk [Volkslebens], a process of reversal against the leadership forces within a folk-organism. [Volksorganismus]..."
==>
==> And also here is ignorance or dishonesty and two facedness of fascists on class struggle:
"The justification by which every semi-fascist rejects the class struggle is a simple conjuring trick: “The class struggle is the reality of capitalism, the Volksgemeinschaft the reality of socialism.” To operate under this statement is nothing more than an intellectual dishonesty. For it is precisely because socialism is supposed to become a reality that the Volksgemeinschaft can only be preached as a goal, never as a slogan for whitewashing the prevailing capitalist world as it exists today. To conclude: “We are socialists, hence against the class struggle,” is simply illogical, because one cannot abruptly assign a criterion of ‘tomorrow’ to ‘today’, cannot employ a goal to negate what is existent. Even the opposing slogan of the 97% used by the ‘Tat-circle’ and the ‘Black Front’ is a fiction. Even provided that Fried’s wealth and income statistics are correct, these 97% do not possess a shared consciousness. The fight is led by those who want it. Of the statistically ‘disinherited’, as the politics of the day hourly prove, a large part of the 97% willingly defends the 3%. The slogan of the 97% is fantasy, the class struggle is fact."
==>
"The justification by which every semi-fascist rejects the class struggle is a simple conjuring trick: “The class struggle is the reality of capitalism, the Volksgemeinschaft the reality of socialism.” To operate under this statement is nothing more than an intellectual dishonesty. For it is precisely because socialism is supposed to become a reality that the Volksgemeinschaft can only be preached as a goal, never as a slogan for whitewashing the prevailing capitalist world as it exists today. To conclude: “We are socialists, hence against the class struggle,” is simply illogical, because one cannot abruptly assign a criterion of ‘tomorrow’ to ‘today’, cannot employ a goal to negate what is existent. Even the opposing slogan of the 97% used by the ‘Tat-circle’ and the ‘Black Front’ is a fiction. Even provided that Fried’s wealth and income statistics are correct, these 97% do not possess a shared consciousness. The fight is led by those who want it. Of the statistically ‘disinherited’, as the politics of the day hourly prove, a large part of the 97% willingly defends the 3%. The slogan of the 97% is fantasy, the class struggle is fact."
==>
==> These are my counter points on their take on "conflict theory".
And they also made points about gender and dialectical materialism but I don't feel like posting more and not even worth on arguing. If you read all these you should get a rough idea about what class struggle is and why third positionists should embrace it instead of refusing the class reality.
And they also made points about gender and dialectical materialism but I don't feel like posting more and not even worth on arguing. If you read all these you should get a rough idea about what class struggle is and why third positionists should embrace it instead of refusing the class reality.
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ATTENTION, PARTY MEMBERS!
We have launched the operation "Rubrum Lazarus", we created a new channel and will move content to the new one. Tomorrow we will share the link. For the people who stay in chat need not to worry, we will just link it into new one. As what Zizek said once "See you in Nazbol or hell"
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🚨🚨🚨🚨🚨🚨🚨🚨🚨
☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆
ATTENTION, PARTY MEMBERS!
We have launched the operation "Rubrum Lazarus", we created a new channel and will move content to the new one. Tomorrow we will share the link. For the people who stay in chat need not to worry, we will just link it into new one. As what Zizek said once "See you in Nazbol or hell"
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Forwarded from Alpha
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