On this day, 27 September 1943, the first clashes broke out of the insurrection against Nazi occupation that would become known as the 'Four Days of Naples'.
A few days earlier, the Germans declared that all men in the city aged 18-33 were to be taken to Germany as forced labourers and anyone not reporting for deportation would be executed. The Nazis also started destroying factories, telephone exchanges, archives and other infrastructure as they planned to escape the Allied advance from the south.
However, when they tried to physically take people out of Naples, the city erupted: lorries carrying deportees were stopped, military barracks were broken into, and weapons distributed to the population.
Fighting spread throughout the city, even involving children as young as 11. By 30 September, at the cost of up to 663 deaths, the population of Naples had inflicted the Nazis' first major defeat on the Italian mainland.
Working Class History
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A few days earlier, the Germans declared that all men in the city aged 18-33 were to be taken to Germany as forced labourers and anyone not reporting for deportation would be executed. The Nazis also started destroying factories, telephone exchanges, archives and other infrastructure as they planned to escape the Allied advance from the south.
However, when they tried to physically take people out of Naples, the city erupted: lorries carrying deportees were stopped, military barracks were broken into, and weapons distributed to the population.
Fighting spread throughout the city, even involving children as young as 11. By 30 September, at the cost of up to 663 deaths, the population of Naples had inflicted the Nazis' first major defeat on the Italian mainland.
Working Class History
#AntiNazi #NaplesUprising #AntiNaziResistance #History
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Maysa daw - Enough
Country: Palestine
Languages: Arabic
Genre: Singer-songwriter
Original spelling: ميساء ضو
“Enough” is a track that speaks to personal and collective struggles, emphasizing themes of resilience and defiance against oppression. The song’s lyrics express frustration with the ongoing socio-political situation, particularly in the Palestinian context, but also resonate universally with those who feel marginalized or oppressed. Through her soulful voice and evocative lyrics, Daw captures a sense of urgency and a call to action, urging listeners to stand up against injustice.
Lyric
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Country: Palestine
Languages: Arabic
Genre: Singer-songwriter
Original spelling: ميساء ضو
“Enough” is a track that speaks to personal and collective struggles, emphasizing themes of resilience and defiance against oppression. The song’s lyrics express frustration with the ongoing socio-political situation, particularly in the Palestinian context, but also resonate universally with those who feel marginalized or oppressed. Through her soulful voice and evocative lyrics, Daw captures a sense of urgency and a call to action, urging listeners to stand up against injustice.
Lyric
#Music #Palestine
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One cannot seriously speak of the "common culture" of a nation when employers and workers of one and the same nation cease to understand each other. What "common destiny" can there be when the bourgeoisie thirsts for war, and the proletariat declares "war on war"?
Joseph Stalin
Marxism and the National Question
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Joseph Stalin
Marxism and the National Question
#Stalin #JosephStalin #Marxism
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Karl Marx Windsurfing Poster, "Less work for everyone!" "Weniger Arbeit für alle!" GDR Soviet USSR Communist Vintage Propaganda Socialist
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Capital further developed into a coercive relation, which compels the working class to do more work than the narrow round of its own life-wants prescribes.
Karl Marx
Capital Volume One
#Poster #KarlMarx #CapitalVolumeOne #Marxism #ClassStruggle #Exploitation #WorkingClass #LaborTheory #Socialism #Communism #AntiCapitalism
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🔴 Proletarians and Communists
In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.
The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.
Marx and Engels
Manifesto of the Communist Party
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In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.
The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.
Marx and Engels
Manifesto of the Communist Party
#Marx #Engels #Communists
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Today, we honor Bhagat Singh, one of the most prominent revolutionaries in India’s struggle against British colonial rule. Born in 1907 in Punjab, Singh became a symbol of resistance at a young age. Influenced by Marxism, he joined the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) and played a key role in organizing acts of defiance against British authorities, including the bombing of the Central Legislative Assembly in 1929—a symbolic protest intended to make noise, not harm.
Singh’s Marxist beliefs shaped his vision for an independent India, free from both colonial and social exploitation. He viewed British rule not just as a foreign occupation but as part of a broader capitalist system that oppressed workers and peasants. Singh was critical of the pacifist approach led by Mahatma Gandhi, arguing that radical, revolutionary action was necessary to achieve true freedom and social equality. Although he respected Gandhi's influence, he believed that India's liberation required a socialist transformation.
In 1931, at just 23 years old, Singh was executed by the British alongside his comrades Rajguru and Sukhdev, becoming a martyr for millions. His writings, such as "Why I Am an Atheist," reflect his commitment to secularism, socialism, and his critique of religious orthodoxy. Today, Bhagat Singh is celebrated not just as a hero of India's independence but as an enduring symbol of Marxist resistance and youth-led struggle against all forms of oppression.
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Singh’s Marxist beliefs shaped his vision for an independent India, free from both colonial and social exploitation. He viewed British rule not just as a foreign occupation but as part of a broader capitalist system that oppressed workers and peasants. Singh was critical of the pacifist approach led by Mahatma Gandhi, arguing that radical, revolutionary action was necessary to achieve true freedom and social equality. Although he respected Gandhi's influence, he believed that India's liberation required a socialist transformation.
In 1931, at just 23 years old, Singh was executed by the British alongside his comrades Rajguru and Sukhdev, becoming a martyr for millions. His writings, such as "Why I Am an Atheist," reflect his commitment to secularism, socialism, and his critique of religious orthodoxy. Today, Bhagat Singh is celebrated not just as a hero of India's independence but as an enduring symbol of Marxist resistance and youth-led struggle against all forms of oppression.
#BhagatSingh #MarxistRevolutionary #IndianIndependence #AntiImperialism #SocialistHero #ShaheedBhagatSingh #HSRA #ColonialResistance #RevolutionaryIcon #YouthResistance #India #Indian #History #Book #PDF
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🔴 Five Theses on Actually Existing Marxism
✍🏻 Fredric Jameson
First Thesis
“Postmarxisms” regularly emerge at those moments in which capitalism itself undergoes a structural metamorphosis.
Marxism is the science of capitalism, or better still, in order to give depth at once to both terms, it is the science of the inherent contradictions of capitalism. This means on the one hand that it is incoherent to celebrate the “death of Marxism” in the same breath with which one announces the definitive triumph of capitalism and the market. The latter would rather seem to augur a secure future for the former, leaving aside the matter of how “definitive” its triumph could possibly be. On the other hand, the “contradictions” of capitalism are not some formless internal dissolution, but relatively lawful and regular, and subject at least to theorization after the fact. For example, for any given moment of capitalism, the space it controls will eventually become oversaturated with the commodities it is technically capable of producing. This crisis is then systemic.
Capitalism is however not merely a system or mode of production, it is the most elastic and adaptable mode of production that has appeared thus far in human history, and has previously overcome such cyclic crises. It has achieved this by means of two basic strategies: the expansion of the system, and the production of radically new types of commodities.
The expansion of the system. Capitalism has always had a center, recently the hegemony of the United States and previously that of England. Each new center is spatially larger and more inclusive than preceding centers, and thus opens up a wider territory for commodification in general, and for new markets and new products alike. According to a somewhat different version of the historical narrative, we can speak of a national moment of capitalism that emerged from the eighteenth century industrial revolution. This first moment is that which Marx himself experienced and theorized, albeit prophetically. It was followed at the end of the nineteenth century by the moment of imperialism, in which the limits of the national markets were burst and a kind of world-wide colonial system established. Finally, after the Second World War and in our own time, the older imperial system was dismantled and a new “world system” set in its place, dominated by the so-called multinational corporations. This current moment of a “multinational” capitalism is uneasily balanced (after the disappearance of the Soviet Union) between the three centers of Europe, the United States, and Japan, each with its immense hinterland of satellite states. This third moment, whose convulsive stages of emergence were not really complete until the end of the Cold War (if then), is clearly far more “global” than the preceding age of imperialism. With the “deregulation” (so to speak) of the immense areas of India, Brazil, and Eastern Europe, there is a scope for the penetration of capital and the market qualitatively greater than in earlier stages of capitalism. Is this then to be considered the definitive achievement of what Marx prophesied as the world market, and thereby the final stage of capitalism—including, among other things, “the universal commodification of labor power”? It is to be doubted. The inner class dynamics of the new moment have scarcely had time to work themselves out, in particular the emergence of new forms of labor organization and political struggle appropriate to the scale at which “globalization” has transformed the world of business.
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✍🏻 Fredric Jameson
First Thesis
“Postmarxisms” regularly emerge at those moments in which capitalism itself undergoes a structural metamorphosis.
Marxism is the science of capitalism, or better still, in order to give depth at once to both terms, it is the science of the inherent contradictions of capitalism. This means on the one hand that it is incoherent to celebrate the “death of Marxism” in the same breath with which one announces the definitive triumph of capitalism and the market. The latter would rather seem to augur a secure future for the former, leaving aside the matter of how “definitive” its triumph could possibly be. On the other hand, the “contradictions” of capitalism are not some formless internal dissolution, but relatively lawful and regular, and subject at least to theorization after the fact. For example, for any given moment of capitalism, the space it controls will eventually become oversaturated with the commodities it is technically capable of producing. This crisis is then systemic.
Capitalism is however not merely a system or mode of production, it is the most elastic and adaptable mode of production that has appeared thus far in human history, and has previously overcome such cyclic crises. It has achieved this by means of two basic strategies: the expansion of the system, and the production of radically new types of commodities.
The expansion of the system. Capitalism has always had a center, recently the hegemony of the United States and previously that of England. Each new center is spatially larger and more inclusive than preceding centers, and thus opens up a wider territory for commodification in general, and for new markets and new products alike. According to a somewhat different version of the historical narrative, we can speak of a national moment of capitalism that emerged from the eighteenth century industrial revolution. This first moment is that which Marx himself experienced and theorized, albeit prophetically. It was followed at the end of the nineteenth century by the moment of imperialism, in which the limits of the national markets were burst and a kind of world-wide colonial system established. Finally, after the Second World War and in our own time, the older imperial system was dismantled and a new “world system” set in its place, dominated by the so-called multinational corporations. This current moment of a “multinational” capitalism is uneasily balanced (after the disappearance of the Soviet Union) between the three centers of Europe, the United States, and Japan, each with its immense hinterland of satellite states. This third moment, whose convulsive stages of emergence were not really complete until the end of the Cold War (if then), is clearly far more “global” than the preceding age of imperialism. With the “deregulation” (so to speak) of the immense areas of India, Brazil, and Eastern Europe, there is a scope for the penetration of capital and the market qualitatively greater than in earlier stages of capitalism. Is this then to be considered the definitive achievement of what Marx prophesied as the world market, and thereby the final stage of capitalism—including, among other things, “the universal commodification of labor power”? It is to be doubted. The inner class dynamics of the new moment have scarcely had time to work themselves out, in particular the emergence of new forms of labor organization and political struggle appropriate to the scale at which “globalization” has transformed the world of business.
Read more
#Marxism #FredricJameson #PostMarxism #Capitalism #Globalization #Imperialism #MultinationalCapitalism #EconomicCrisis #CommodityProduction #ClassStruggle #PoliticalEconomy #HistoricalMaterialism #Article
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Telegraph
Five Theses on Actually Existing Marxism
(Dedicated to the memory of William Pomerance) First Thesis “Postmarxisms” regularly emerge at those moments in which capitalism itself undergoes a structural metamorphosis. Marxism is the science of capitalism, or better still, in order to give depth at…
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The majority of the so-called Great Powers have long been exploiting and enslaving a whole number of small and weak nations. And the imperialist war is a war for the division and redivision of this kind of booty.
Vladimir Lenin
The State and Revolution
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Vladimir Lenin
The State and Revolution
#Lenin #War #Imperialist #Imperialism
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Engels’ Speech:
Allow me, dear friends, to speak here today as an exception in my capacity as a German. For we German democrats have a special interest in the liberation of Poland. It was German princes who derived great advantages from the division of Poland and it is German soldiers who are still holding down Galicia and Posen. The responsibility for removing this disgrace from our nation rests on us Germans, on us German. democrats above all. A nation cannot become free and at the same time continue to oppress other nations. The liberation of Germany cannot therefore take place without the liberation of Poland from German oppression. And because of this, Poland and Germany have a common interest, and because of this, Polish and German democrats can work together for the liberation of both nations. — I also believe that the first decisive blow which will lead to the victory of democracy, to the liberation of all European nations, will be struck by the English Chartists. I have lived in England for a number of years now and openly aligned myself with the Chartist movement during this period. The English Chartists will be the first to rise because it is precisely in England that the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is the most intense. And why is it the most intense? Because in England, as a result of modern industry, of the introduction of machinery, all oppressed classes are being merged together into a single great class with common interests, the class of the proletariat; because as a consequence, on the opposite side all classes of oppressors have likewise been united into a single class, the bourgeoisie. The struggle has thus been simplified and so it will be possible to decide it by one single heavy blow. Isn’t this so? The aristocracy no longer has any power in England; the bourgeoisie alone rules and it has taken the aristocracy in tow. But the whole great mass of the people stands opposed to the bourgeoisie, united in a formidable phalanx, whose victory over the ruling capitalists draws nearer and nearer. And you have to thank machinery for this elimination of opposed interests which previously divided the different sections of workers, for this levelling of the living standards of all workers. Without machinery no Chartism, and although machinery may temporarily worsen your position it is nevertheless machinery that makes our victory possible. But not only in England; in all other countries it has had the same effect on the workers. In Belgium, in America, in France, in Germany it has evened out the positions of all workers and daily continues to do so more and more; in all these countries the workers of all nations is the result of the party interests of the workers of all nations is the result of machinery is an enormous advance. What follows from this for us? Because the condition of the workers of all countries is the same, because their interests are the same, their enemies the same, they must also fight together, they must oppose the brotherhood of the bourgeoisie of all nations with a brotherhood of the workers of all nations.
On Poland
Speeches at the International Meeting held in London on November 29,1847 to mark the 17th Anniversary of the Polish Uprising of 1830
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Allow me, dear friends, to speak here today as an exception in my capacity as a German. For we German democrats have a special interest in the liberation of Poland. It was German princes who derived great advantages from the division of Poland and it is German soldiers who are still holding down Galicia and Posen. The responsibility for removing this disgrace from our nation rests on us Germans, on us German. democrats above all. A nation cannot become free and at the same time continue to oppress other nations. The liberation of Germany cannot therefore take place without the liberation of Poland from German oppression. And because of this, Poland and Germany have a common interest, and because of this, Polish and German democrats can work together for the liberation of both nations. — I also believe that the first decisive blow which will lead to the victory of democracy, to the liberation of all European nations, will be struck by the English Chartists. I have lived in England for a number of years now and openly aligned myself with the Chartist movement during this period. The English Chartists will be the first to rise because it is precisely in England that the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is the most intense. And why is it the most intense? Because in England, as a result of modern industry, of the introduction of machinery, all oppressed classes are being merged together into a single great class with common interests, the class of the proletariat; because as a consequence, on the opposite side all classes of oppressors have likewise been united into a single class, the bourgeoisie. The struggle has thus been simplified and so it will be possible to decide it by one single heavy blow. Isn’t this so? The aristocracy no longer has any power in England; the bourgeoisie alone rules and it has taken the aristocracy in tow. But the whole great mass of the people stands opposed to the bourgeoisie, united in a formidable phalanx, whose victory over the ruling capitalists draws nearer and nearer. And you have to thank machinery for this elimination of opposed interests which previously divided the different sections of workers, for this levelling of the living standards of all workers. Without machinery no Chartism, and although machinery may temporarily worsen your position it is nevertheless machinery that makes our victory possible. But not only in England; in all other countries it has had the same effect on the workers. In Belgium, in America, in France, in Germany it has evened out the positions of all workers and daily continues to do so more and more; in all these countries the workers of all nations is the result of the party interests of the workers of all nations is the result of machinery is an enormous advance. What follows from this for us? Because the condition of the workers of all countries is the same, because their interests are the same, their enemies the same, they must also fight together, they must oppose the brotherhood of the bourgeoisie of all nations with a brotherhood of the workers of all nations.
On Poland
Speeches at the International Meeting held in London on November 29,1847 to mark the 17th Anniversary of the Polish Uprising of 1830
#Engels #Proletariat #ClassStruggle #PolishLiberation #GermanOppression #Chartism #InternationalSolidarity #Bourgeoisie #WorkersUnite #MachineryAndRevolution #WorkerBrotherhood
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🔴 Seventy-Five Years of the Chinese Revolution
✍🏻 Tings Chak and Vijay Prashad
On October 1, 1949, the leader of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Mao Zedong (1893–1976) announced the creation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Three hundred thousand people gathered in Tiananmen Square to welcome the new government and to greet the new leadership. After Mao made his initial announcement, he unfurled the new flag of the PRC, and then the military chief Zhu De reviewed the forces of the People’s Liberation Army. Similar celebrations were held in other parts of China. The foundation of the PRC ended a century of humiliation before the imperialists (that began with the first Anglo-Opium War of 1839) and the long second world war (that began with the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931). Ten days before, at the first plenary session of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Mao had said, “we are all convinced that our work would go down in the history of humankind, demonstrating that the Chinese people, comprising one quarter of humanity, have now stood up.”
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✍🏻 Tings Chak and Vijay Prashad
On October 1, 1949, the leader of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Mao Zedong (1893–1976) announced the creation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Three hundred thousand people gathered in Tiananmen Square to welcome the new government and to greet the new leadership. After Mao made his initial announcement, he unfurled the new flag of the PRC, and then the military chief Zhu De reviewed the forces of the People’s Liberation Army. Similar celebrations were held in other parts of China. The foundation of the PRC ended a century of humiliation before the imperialists (that began with the first Anglo-Opium War of 1839) and the long second world war (that began with the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931). Ten days before, at the first plenary session of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Mao had said, “we are all convinced that our work would go down in the history of humankind, demonstrating that the Chinese people, comprising one quarter of humanity, have now stood up.”
Read more
#China #PRC #MaoZedong #Communism #PeoplesRepublicOfChina #TiananmenSquare #October1 #ChineseRevolution #Liberation #AntiImperialism #CPC #ZhuDe #ChineseHistory
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Telegraph
Seventy-Five Years of the Chinese Revolution
On October 1, 1949, the leader of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Mao Zedong (1893–1976) announced the creation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Three hundred thousand people gathered in Tiananmen Square to welcome the new government and to greet…
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We say: our aim is to achieve a socialist system of society, which, by eliminating the division of mankind into classes, by eliminating all exploitation of man by man and nation by nation, will inevitably eliminate the very possibility of war.
Lenin
War and Revolution (1917)
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Lenin
War and Revolution (1917)
#Lenin #War #Socialist
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Modern monopolist capitalism on a world-wide scale — imperialist wars are absolutely inevitable under such an economic system, as long as private property in the means of production exists.
Lenin
Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1920)
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Lenin
Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1920)
#Lenin #War #Capitalism #PrivateProperty
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Over 1,000 Samsung workers in Chennai, India, have been on strike for four weeks, making it India’s biggest strike in recent years. The protests, held in a makeshift tent near the factory, have disrupted production at the plant, which contributed to a fifth of Samsung’s $12 billion revenue in India for 2022-23.
The Samsung plant employs roughly 1,800 workers. More than 1,000 workers on strike are demanding higher wages and union recognition.
The protests have since been met with repression by Indian authorities. Around 850 Samsung employees and 60 workers linked to the labor group Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), which is leading the protest, were detained before being released the same day.
Samsung has warned the striking workers they risk losing their jobs and has taken CITU members to court, saying the strike is illegal. However, the workers on strike disagree, vowing to continue their protest until their demands are met.
theredstream
@Communism
The Samsung plant employs roughly 1,800 workers. More than 1,000 workers on strike are demanding higher wages and union recognition.
The protests have since been met with repression by Indian authorities. Around 850 Samsung employees and 60 workers linked to the labor group Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), which is leading the protest, were detained before being released the same day.
Samsung has warned the striking workers they risk losing their jobs and has taken CITU members to court, saying the strike is illegal. However, the workers on strike disagree, vowing to continue their protest until their demands are met.
theredstream
#SamsungStrike #ChennaiWorkersProtest #India
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Media
On this day, 2 October 1968, the Tlatelolco massacre took place in Mexico City when police murdered hundreds of students demonstrating peacefully, just prior to the start of the Olympic Games in the city. At the time, many workers and poor farmers were fighting for better conditions, and the government responded with violent repression during what is known as the "dirty war". People were angry at the huge cost of staging the Olympics, as well as police repression. And so, on 2 October around 10,000 school and university students gathered in protest at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Mexico City, chanting: "We don't want Olympics, we want revolution!" A little after 6 PM, 5,000 troops surrounded the square and began firing into the crowd and nearby buildings. Throughout the night, soldiers and police officers went on a rampage, rounding people up, and beating and killing protesters, bystanders and local residents. Authorities and the media claimed that troops were defending themselves from sniper fire, but it was much later revealed that the snipers who began shooting were members of the Presidential Guard. The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had been in close contact with Mexican authorities as it was concerned about protests against the Olympic Games, and the US military provided them with equipment, weapons and ammunition. Six days before the massacre, Mexican federal security told the CIA that "the situation will be under complete control very shortly".
Working Class History
@Communism
On this day, 2 October 1968, the Tlatelolco massacre took place in Mexico City when police murdered hundreds of students demonstrating peacefully, just prior to the start of the Olympic Games in the city. At the time, many workers and poor farmers were fighting for better conditions, and the government responded with violent repression during what is known as the "dirty war". People were angry at the huge cost of staging the Olympics, as well as police repression. And so, on 2 October around 10,000 school and university students gathered in protest at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Mexico City, chanting: "We don't want Olympics, we want revolution!" A little after 6 PM, 5,000 troops surrounded the square and began firing into the crowd and nearby buildings. Throughout the night, soldiers and police officers went on a rampage, rounding people up, and beating and killing protesters, bystanders and local residents. Authorities and the media claimed that troops were defending themselves from sniper fire, but it was much later revealed that the snipers who began shooting were members of the Presidential Guard. The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had been in close contact with Mexican authorities as it was concerned about protests against the Olympic Games, and the US military provided them with equipment, weapons and ammunition. Six days before the massacre, Mexican federal security told the CIA that "the situation will be under complete control very shortly".
Working Class History
#TlatelolcoMassacre #Mexico1968 #RevolutionNotOlympics #StudentProtest #DirtyWar #StateRepression #JusticeForTlatelolco #CIAInvolvement #WorkersAndFarmers #RememberTlatelolco #History
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Two basic functions characterize the activity of the state: at home (the main function), to keep in restraint the exploited majority; abroad (not the main function), to extend the territory of its class, the ruling class, at the expense of the territory of other states, or to defend the territory of its own state from attack by other states. Such was the case in slave society and under feudalism. Such is the case under capitalism.
In order to overthrow capitalism it was not only necessary to remove the bourgeoisie from power, it was not only necessary to expropriate the capitalists, but also to smash entirely the bourgeois state machine and its old army, its bureaucratic officialdom and its police force, and to substitute for it a new, proletarian form of state, a new, Socialist state.
Stalin
Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)(Delivered March 10, 1939.)
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In order to overthrow capitalism it was not only necessary to remove the bourgeoisie from power, it was not only necessary to expropriate the capitalists, but also to smash entirely the bourgeois state machine and its old army, its bureaucratic officialdom and its police force, and to substitute for it a new, proletarian form of state, a new, Socialist state.
Stalin
Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)(Delivered March 10, 1939.)
#Stalin
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Trade Unions fail generally from limiting themselves to a guerilla war against the effects of the existing system, instead of simultaneously trying to change it, instead of using their organized forces as a lever for the final emancipation of the working class that is to say the ultimate abolition of the wages system.
Karl Marx
Value, Price and Profit
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Karl Marx
Value, Price and Profit
#KarlMarx #Marx #Profit #WorkingClass
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