The only Marxist line in the world labour movement is to explain to the masses the inevitability and necessity of breaking with opportunism, to educate them for revolution by waging a relentless struggle against opportunism, to utilise the experience of the war to expose, not conceal, the utter vileness of national-liberal labour politics.
V. I. Lenin
Imperialism and the Split in Socialism
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V. I. Lenin
Imperialism and the Split in Socialism
#Lenin #Marxist
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The ‘Crush Nazism’ monument outside Oslo Central Station
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#AntiNazism #AntiNazis #AntiNazi #AntiFascist #AntiFascism #AntiRacist #AntiRacism #CrushNazism #Crush_Nazism #FCKNZS #Antifa #OSLO #Monument
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A couple shares a kiss during the World Festival of Youth and Students in East Berlin, GDR, in 1973. This festival, organized by the World Federation of Democratic Youth, was a major event that brought together young people from socialist countries and progressive movements worldwide. Held under the slogan "For Anti-Imperialist Solidarity, Peace, and Friendship," the festival symbolized the spirit of international solidarity and the hope for a united socialist future. East Berlin, as the capital of the German Democratic Republic, hosted thousands of participants who engaged in cultural exchanges, political discussions, and demonstrations advocating for peace and socialism.
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#EastBerlin #GDR #SocialistHistory #WorldFestivalOfYouth #1973 #ColdWar #InternationalSolidarity #AntiImperialism #SocialistCulture
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"The duty of every revolutionary is to make revolution."
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#Fidel #FidelCastro #Fidel_Castro
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Ho Chi Minh in the Hoàng Liên Son mountain range of Vietnam, 1948
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To have a good crop we must weed the field, otherwise the rice will grow badly in spite of careful ploughing and abundant manuring. To be successful in increasing production and practicing thrift, we must also weed the field, that is root out embezzlement, waste and bureaucracy. Otherwise they will harm our work.
"To Practice Thrift and Oppose Embezzlement (1952)
#HoChiMinh #Vietnam
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Is it possible, then, to doubt that we can and must gain victory over the German invaders? The enemy is not as strong as some terror-stricken pseudo-intellectuals picture him. The devil is not as terrible as he is painted.
Joseph Stalin
Speech at the Red Army Parade
on the Red Square, Moscow
November 7, 1941
Read more
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Joseph Stalin
Speech at the Red Army Parade
on the Red Square, Moscow
November 7, 1941
Read more
#Stalin #JosephStalin
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'Spring planting' (Soviet leaflet in German by unknown artist. Dropped on German troops. With Hitler digging graves for German soldiers. Soviet Union, ca. 1943).
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#Shitler
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86 years ago, on September 24-25, 1938, Soviet pilots V.S. Grizodubova, P.D. Osipenko and M.M. Raskova made a non-stop flight from Moscow to the Far East (Komsomolsk-on-Amur region) on the ANT-37 Rodina aircraft, setting a world record for non-stop flight distance for #women (6,450 km).
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@Communism
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Hitherto men have constantly made up for themselves false conceptions about themselves, about what they are and what they ought to be. They have arranged their relationships according to their ideas of God, of normal man, etc. The phantoms of their brains have got out of their hands. They, the creators, have bowed down before their creations. Let us liberate them from the chimeras, the ideas, dogmas, imaginary beings under the yoke of which they are pining away. Let us revolt against the rule of thoughts. Let us teach men, says one, to exchange these imaginations for thoughts which correspond to the essence of man; says the second, to take up a critical attitude to them; says the third, to knock them out of their heads; and -- existing reality will collapse.
These innocent and childlike fancies are the kernel of the modern Young-Hegelian philosophy, which not only is received by the German public with horror and awe, but is announced by our philosophic heroes with the solemn consciousness of its cataclysmic dangerousness and criminal ruthlessness. The first volume of the present publication has the aim of uncloaking these sheep, who take themselves and are taken for wolves; of showing how their bleating merely imitates in a philosophic form the conceptions of the German middle class; how the boasting of these philosophic commentators only mirrors the wretchedness of the real conditions in Germany. It is its aim to debunk and discredit the philosophic struggle with the shadows of reality, which appeals to the dreamy and muddled German nation.
Once upon a time a valiant fellow had the idea that men were drowned in water only because they were possessed with the idea of gravity. If they were to knock this notion out of their heads, say by stating it to be a superstition, a religious concept, they would be sublimely proof against any danger from water. His whole life long he fought against the illusion of gravity, of whose harmful results all statistics brought him new and manifold evidence. This valiant fellow was the type of the new revolutionary philosophers in Germany.
Karl Marx
The German Ideology
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These innocent and childlike fancies are the kernel of the modern Young-Hegelian philosophy, which not only is received by the German public with horror and awe, but is announced by our philosophic heroes with the solemn consciousness of its cataclysmic dangerousness and criminal ruthlessness. The first volume of the present publication has the aim of uncloaking these sheep, who take themselves and are taken for wolves; of showing how their bleating merely imitates in a philosophic form the conceptions of the German middle class; how the boasting of these philosophic commentators only mirrors the wretchedness of the real conditions in Germany. It is its aim to debunk and discredit the philosophic struggle with the shadows of reality, which appeals to the dreamy and muddled German nation.
Once upon a time a valiant fellow had the idea that men were drowned in water only because they were possessed with the idea of gravity. If they were to knock this notion out of their heads, say by stating it to be a superstition, a religious concept, they would be sublimely proof against any danger from water. His whole life long he fought against the illusion of gravity, of whose harmful results all statistics brought him new and manifold evidence. This valiant fellow was the type of the new revolutionary philosophers in Germany.
Karl Marx
The German Ideology
#YoungHegelians #TheGermanIdeology #KarlMarx #CritiqueOfPhilosophy #RevolutionaryThought #FalseConsciousness #IdeologicalStruggle #PhilosophicalCriticism #GermanPhilosophy #MarxistAnalysis
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On this day, 27 September 1943, the first clashes broke out of the insurrection against Nazi occupation that would become known as the 'Four Days of Naples'.
A few days earlier, the Germans declared that all men in the city aged 18-33 were to be taken to Germany as forced labourers and anyone not reporting for deportation would be executed. The Nazis also started destroying factories, telephone exchanges, archives and other infrastructure as they planned to escape the Allied advance from the south.
However, when they tried to physically take people out of Naples, the city erupted: lorries carrying deportees were stopped, military barracks were broken into, and weapons distributed to the population.
Fighting spread throughout the city, even involving children as young as 11. By 30 September, at the cost of up to 663 deaths, the population of Naples had inflicted the Nazis' first major defeat on the Italian mainland.
Working Class History
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A few days earlier, the Germans declared that all men in the city aged 18-33 were to be taken to Germany as forced labourers and anyone not reporting for deportation would be executed. The Nazis also started destroying factories, telephone exchanges, archives and other infrastructure as they planned to escape the Allied advance from the south.
However, when they tried to physically take people out of Naples, the city erupted: lorries carrying deportees were stopped, military barracks were broken into, and weapons distributed to the population.
Fighting spread throughout the city, even involving children as young as 11. By 30 September, at the cost of up to 663 deaths, the population of Naples had inflicted the Nazis' first major defeat on the Italian mainland.
Working Class History
#AntiNazi #NaplesUprising #AntiNaziResistance #History
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Maysa daw - Enough
Country: Palestine
Languages: Arabic
Genre: Singer-songwriter
Original spelling: ميساء ضو
“Enough” is a track that speaks to personal and collective struggles, emphasizing themes of resilience and defiance against oppression. The song’s lyrics express frustration with the ongoing socio-political situation, particularly in the Palestinian context, but also resonate universally with those who feel marginalized or oppressed. Through her soulful voice and evocative lyrics, Daw captures a sense of urgency and a call to action, urging listeners to stand up against injustice.
Lyric
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Country: Palestine
Languages: Arabic
Genre: Singer-songwriter
Original spelling: ميساء ضو
“Enough” is a track that speaks to personal and collective struggles, emphasizing themes of resilience and defiance against oppression. The song’s lyrics express frustration with the ongoing socio-political situation, particularly in the Palestinian context, but also resonate universally with those who feel marginalized or oppressed. Through her soulful voice and evocative lyrics, Daw captures a sense of urgency and a call to action, urging listeners to stand up against injustice.
Lyric
#Music #Palestine
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One cannot seriously speak of the "common culture" of a nation when employers and workers of one and the same nation cease to understand each other. What "common destiny" can there be when the bourgeoisie thirsts for war, and the proletariat declares "war on war"?
Joseph Stalin
Marxism and the National Question
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Joseph Stalin
Marxism and the National Question
#Stalin #JosephStalin #Marxism
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Karl Marx Windsurfing Poster, "Less work for everyone!" "Weniger Arbeit für alle!" GDR Soviet USSR Communist Vintage Propaganda Socialist
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Capital further developed into a coercive relation, which compels the working class to do more work than the narrow round of its own life-wants prescribes.
Karl Marx
Capital Volume One
#Poster #KarlMarx #CapitalVolumeOne #Marxism #ClassStruggle #Exploitation #WorkingClass #LaborTheory #Socialism #Communism #AntiCapitalism
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🔴 Proletarians and Communists
In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.
The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.
Marx and Engels
Manifesto of the Communist Party
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In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.
The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.
The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.
Marx and Engels
Manifesto of the Communist Party
#Marx #Engels #Communists
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Today, we honor Bhagat Singh, one of the most prominent revolutionaries in India’s struggle against British colonial rule. Born in 1907 in Punjab, Singh became a symbol of resistance at a young age. Influenced by Marxism, he joined the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) and played a key role in organizing acts of defiance against British authorities, including the bombing of the Central Legislative Assembly in 1929—a symbolic protest intended to make noise, not harm.
Singh’s Marxist beliefs shaped his vision for an independent India, free from both colonial and social exploitation. He viewed British rule not just as a foreign occupation but as part of a broader capitalist system that oppressed workers and peasants. Singh was critical of the pacifist approach led by Mahatma Gandhi, arguing that radical, revolutionary action was necessary to achieve true freedom and social equality. Although he respected Gandhi's influence, he believed that India's liberation required a socialist transformation.
In 1931, at just 23 years old, Singh was executed by the British alongside his comrades Rajguru and Sukhdev, becoming a martyr for millions. His writings, such as "Why I Am an Atheist," reflect his commitment to secularism, socialism, and his critique of religious orthodoxy. Today, Bhagat Singh is celebrated not just as a hero of India's independence but as an enduring symbol of Marxist resistance and youth-led struggle against all forms of oppression.
@Communism
Singh’s Marxist beliefs shaped his vision for an independent India, free from both colonial and social exploitation. He viewed British rule not just as a foreign occupation but as part of a broader capitalist system that oppressed workers and peasants. Singh was critical of the pacifist approach led by Mahatma Gandhi, arguing that radical, revolutionary action was necessary to achieve true freedom and social equality. Although he respected Gandhi's influence, he believed that India's liberation required a socialist transformation.
In 1931, at just 23 years old, Singh was executed by the British alongside his comrades Rajguru and Sukhdev, becoming a martyr for millions. His writings, such as "Why I Am an Atheist," reflect his commitment to secularism, socialism, and his critique of religious orthodoxy. Today, Bhagat Singh is celebrated not just as a hero of India's independence but as an enduring symbol of Marxist resistance and youth-led struggle against all forms of oppression.
#BhagatSingh #MarxistRevolutionary #IndianIndependence #AntiImperialism #SocialistHero #ShaheedBhagatSingh #HSRA #ColonialResistance #RevolutionaryIcon #YouthResistance #India #Indian #History #Book #PDF
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🔴 Five Theses on Actually Existing Marxism
✍🏻 Fredric Jameson
First Thesis
“Postmarxisms” regularly emerge at those moments in which capitalism itself undergoes a structural metamorphosis.
Marxism is the science of capitalism, or better still, in order to give depth at once to both terms, it is the science of the inherent contradictions of capitalism. This means on the one hand that it is incoherent to celebrate the “death of Marxism” in the same breath with which one announces the definitive triumph of capitalism and the market. The latter would rather seem to augur a secure future for the former, leaving aside the matter of how “definitive” its triumph could possibly be. On the other hand, the “contradictions” of capitalism are not some formless internal dissolution, but relatively lawful and regular, and subject at least to theorization after the fact. For example, for any given moment of capitalism, the space it controls will eventually become oversaturated with the commodities it is technically capable of producing. This crisis is then systemic.
Capitalism is however not merely a system or mode of production, it is the most elastic and adaptable mode of production that has appeared thus far in human history, and has previously overcome such cyclic crises. It has achieved this by means of two basic strategies: the expansion of the system, and the production of radically new types of commodities.
The expansion of the system. Capitalism has always had a center, recently the hegemony of the United States and previously that of England. Each new center is spatially larger and more inclusive than preceding centers, and thus opens up a wider territory for commodification in general, and for new markets and new products alike. According to a somewhat different version of the historical narrative, we can speak of a national moment of capitalism that emerged from the eighteenth century industrial revolution. This first moment is that which Marx himself experienced and theorized, albeit prophetically. It was followed at the end of the nineteenth century by the moment of imperialism, in which the limits of the national markets were burst and a kind of world-wide colonial system established. Finally, after the Second World War and in our own time, the older imperial system was dismantled and a new “world system” set in its place, dominated by the so-called multinational corporations. This current moment of a “multinational” capitalism is uneasily balanced (after the disappearance of the Soviet Union) between the three centers of Europe, the United States, and Japan, each with its immense hinterland of satellite states. This third moment, whose convulsive stages of emergence were not really complete until the end of the Cold War (if then), is clearly far more “global” than the preceding age of imperialism. With the “deregulation” (so to speak) of the immense areas of India, Brazil, and Eastern Europe, there is a scope for the penetration of capital and the market qualitatively greater than in earlier stages of capitalism. Is this then to be considered the definitive achievement of what Marx prophesied as the world market, and thereby the final stage of capitalism—including, among other things, “the universal commodification of labor power”? It is to be doubted. The inner class dynamics of the new moment have scarcely had time to work themselves out, in particular the emergence of new forms of labor organization and political struggle appropriate to the scale at which “globalization” has transformed the world of business.
Read more
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✍🏻 Fredric Jameson
First Thesis
“Postmarxisms” regularly emerge at those moments in which capitalism itself undergoes a structural metamorphosis.
Marxism is the science of capitalism, or better still, in order to give depth at once to both terms, it is the science of the inherent contradictions of capitalism. This means on the one hand that it is incoherent to celebrate the “death of Marxism” in the same breath with which one announces the definitive triumph of capitalism and the market. The latter would rather seem to augur a secure future for the former, leaving aside the matter of how “definitive” its triumph could possibly be. On the other hand, the “contradictions” of capitalism are not some formless internal dissolution, but relatively lawful and regular, and subject at least to theorization after the fact. For example, for any given moment of capitalism, the space it controls will eventually become oversaturated with the commodities it is technically capable of producing. This crisis is then systemic.
Capitalism is however not merely a system or mode of production, it is the most elastic and adaptable mode of production that has appeared thus far in human history, and has previously overcome such cyclic crises. It has achieved this by means of two basic strategies: the expansion of the system, and the production of radically new types of commodities.
The expansion of the system. Capitalism has always had a center, recently the hegemony of the United States and previously that of England. Each new center is spatially larger and more inclusive than preceding centers, and thus opens up a wider territory for commodification in general, and for new markets and new products alike. According to a somewhat different version of the historical narrative, we can speak of a national moment of capitalism that emerged from the eighteenth century industrial revolution. This first moment is that which Marx himself experienced and theorized, albeit prophetically. It was followed at the end of the nineteenth century by the moment of imperialism, in which the limits of the national markets were burst and a kind of world-wide colonial system established. Finally, after the Second World War and in our own time, the older imperial system was dismantled and a new “world system” set in its place, dominated by the so-called multinational corporations. This current moment of a “multinational” capitalism is uneasily balanced (after the disappearance of the Soviet Union) between the three centers of Europe, the United States, and Japan, each with its immense hinterland of satellite states. This third moment, whose convulsive stages of emergence were not really complete until the end of the Cold War (if then), is clearly far more “global” than the preceding age of imperialism. With the “deregulation” (so to speak) of the immense areas of India, Brazil, and Eastern Europe, there is a scope for the penetration of capital and the market qualitatively greater than in earlier stages of capitalism. Is this then to be considered the definitive achievement of what Marx prophesied as the world market, and thereby the final stage of capitalism—including, among other things, “the universal commodification of labor power”? It is to be doubted. The inner class dynamics of the new moment have scarcely had time to work themselves out, in particular the emergence of new forms of labor organization and political struggle appropriate to the scale at which “globalization” has transformed the world of business.
Read more
#Marxism #FredricJameson #PostMarxism #Capitalism #Globalization #Imperialism #MultinationalCapitalism #EconomicCrisis #CommodityProduction #ClassStruggle #PoliticalEconomy #HistoricalMaterialism #Article
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Telegraph
Five Theses on Actually Existing Marxism
(Dedicated to the memory of William Pomerance) First Thesis “Postmarxisms” regularly emerge at those moments in which capitalism itself undergoes a structural metamorphosis. Marxism is the science of capitalism, or better still, in order to give depth at…
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The majority of the so-called Great Powers have long been exploiting and enslaving a whole number of small and weak nations. And the imperialist war is a war for the division and redivision of this kind of booty.
Vladimir Lenin
The State and Revolution
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Vladimir Lenin
The State and Revolution
#Lenin #War #Imperialist #Imperialism
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